Why Doesn’t India Have a Strong Third National Party?

India, the largest democracy in the world with more than 900 million voters, has over 1,000 political parties. These parties can be categorized under various criteria—politics-based, caste-based, interest-based, or even fan groups of cinema actors, who also participate in Indian elections as registered political parties. This diverse landscape makes Indian politics fascinating, with elections often described as the biggest festivals in the country.

However, the most significant criterion for classifying political parties is their registration status with the Election Commission of India. According to the latest publication dated March 23, 2024, by the Election Commission, there are six national parties, 58 state parties, and 2,763 unrecognized or local parties. Each category has specific criteria for recognition. For instance, a national party must meet one of the following conditions: win 11 Lok Sabha seats from at least three different states, poll 6% of votes in four or more states and win four Lok Sabha seats, or gain recognition as a state party in four states.

Under these criteria, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Indian National Congress (INC), Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), Communist Party of India (Marxist), and National People’s Party (NPP) qualify as national parties.

Despite these classifications, only the BJP and the INC can truly be considered national parties in terms of nationwide presence and organizational reach. No other party has a pan-India support base or the ability to consistently win more than 10 seats out of the 543 in the Lok Sabha. This trend, visible long before the 2014 general election, became more pronounced when Narendra Modi’s leadership framed Indian politics as a contest between Hindutva and anti-Hindutva narratives. Today, India’s 1.4 billion people largely choose between these two parties and their ideologies, rather than benefiting from a truly functional multi-party system.

There are several reasons behind this phenomenon. One is the way Indian politics operates, with a strong attachment to socialism or center-right ideologies. This creates a narrow spectrum where major parties compete, leaving little room for diverse offerings. Another factor is the worship-like style of Indian politics, making it difficult for new parties to break through. Additionally, agenda-setting plays a crucial role. Indian politics often divides into two dominant camps, each setting the political narrative in a way that leaves little room for other parties to gain traction.

Communication barriers further exacerbate the issue. Beyond word-of-mouth channels, many leaders or organizations struggle to connect with the populace, as a significant number of people lack access to print or television media. Established parties already dominate these communication channels, leaving little opportunity for emerging parties to reach a broader audience. These, along with several other factors, make it challenging for new political entities to establish themselves in India’s political landscape.

When we examine the history of Indian elections, it is unsurprising that the country’s vast political landscape has predominantly been dominated by two major parties, representing two broad political ideologies. During the 1980s and 1990s, however, India occasionally witnessed contests involving three or even four significant parties. For example, in the elections of 1989, 1991, and 1996, in addition to the Indian National Congress (INC) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), parties like the Janata Dal and the Communist Party held considerable sway and fiercely contested for control of New Delhi.

Outside of these exceptions, most general elections have been two-way contests, evolving into what can be described as a “two-tent” system. Despite the diversity among India’s political parties, alliances often form during elections, consolidating around two dominant factions. This trend has become a recurring pattern in Indian electoral politics, especially following the period of INC’s dominance after independence.

It is noteworthy that no third political force in India today has the widespread appeal or organizational reach to secure significant representation across multiple states. Janata Dal, once a powerful player, fragmented into numerous smaller factions and has since lost its national relevance. Similarly, the Communist Party, once a robust third force, now faces an existential crisis. The Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), which emerged as a champion of Dalit politics with a genuinely national agenda and representation from diverse states, has also faded into relative obscurity due to a lack of direction.

The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), which burst onto the political scene with significant momentum and the promise of becoming India’s third major national party, appears to have stalled, increasingly resembling a regional entity. Meanwhile, the National People’s Party (NPP), a Northeastern-based national party, seems uninterested in expanding its influence beyond its home region.

A strong third political party can reinvigorate democracy, offering voters a genuine alternative and enriching the national dialogue. In India, however, no such party has emerged with the ability to secure even 10 percent of the seats in the Lok Sabha. In the 2024 elections, the Samajwadi Party (SP)—a regional force with deep roots in Uttar Pradesh—managed to carve out a notable, yet modest, position as the third-largest party, winning 37 seats. The All India Trinamool Congress (AITC) and the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) were the only other parties to cross the 20-seat mark. However, all three remain state-centric. DMK’s politics is rooted in Tamil Nadu, showing little interest or involvement in national issues. While the Samajwadi Party and AITC have shown stronger potential, significant hurdles remain.

The SP’s 37 seats mark one of the strongest performances by a third party in recent Indian elections, rivaling the AIADMK’s 37 seats in 2014. However, unlike AIADMK, which is confined to Tamil Nadu with its 39 Lok Sabha seats, the SP hails from Uttar Pradesh, which offers 80 seats. Additionally, the SP has previously established a presence in other states like Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh. The party’s vote base includes OBCs and Muslims, groups that often feel politically marginalized and disconnected from the Indian National Congress. With Akhilesh Yadav as its young, charismatic leader, the SP has the potential to expand into the Hindi belt and other states with significant Muslim populations. However, its dynastic politics raises concerns that it may follow the path of its predecessor, Janata Dal, which eventually disintegrated.

There is a visible political vacuum, as voters seeking an alternative to the BJP often avoid the Indian National Congress. This opens a window of opportunity for the SP. However, for this to materialize, Akhilesh Yadav must strategize effectively, particularly given reports of friction between the Congress and the SP within the opposition alliance, INDIA. A divergence could prompt the SP to strengthen its independent ambitions.

Similarly, the AITC holds potential. While the party’s current focus remains on West Bengal, where it is dominant, its influence could extend into northeastern states. The Congress’s decline presents an opportunity for the AITC, as both parties share a similar voter base. Being a Congress offshoot, the AITC is well-positioned to attract disillusioned Congress leaders and supporters unhappy with its leadership. With 42 seats in West Bengal and 25 in the northeastern states, the AITC has room to grow in regions previously held by the Congress.

Both the SP and the AITC represent possible contenders for becoming India’s third political force, but success will require strategic planning and expansion beyond their traditional strongholds. The path is fraught with challenges, yet the shifting political landscape offers unique opportunities for growth and influence.

Many experts believe that, aside from the two dominant parties, the emergence of a third party in India would likely stem from a spin-off. However, this seems less likely in the current political climate. The BJP, which has built its strength through a solid ideological foundation, systematic organization, and leadership, is not at risk of a major split, as it has consolidated its influence around its charismatic leadership. Similarly, the Indian National Congress has already undergone multiple splits and cannot afford more without risking a complete loss of influence. In recent times, no significant divisions have been visible in either party.

Another possibility could be the merger of smaller parties to form a larger political force, but this is unlikely to succeed, as ambitious leaders often prioritize their own interests rather than working together for the greater good. Political consolidation among smaller parties faces significant challenges, especially with leaders who are reluctant to cede control.

In a multiparty state with such a large population, it is a disgrace that the political agenda is set by just two dominant parties. Sadly, this is the reality of India.  However, unless state parties like the SP and AITC decide to grow, or the BSP and AAP refine their strategies, or new spin-offs and mergers take place, the status quo will persist. This will lead Indian politics in the direction of the United States, offering voters only two viable options—and that is detrimental to the health of democracy.