Category: Asia

  • A Calculated Calm: India, Pakistan, and the Specter of War

    A Calculated Calm: India, Pakistan, and the Specter of War

    It was a brutal attack. In the town of Pahalgam, in Indian Kashmir, Islamist militants opened fire on a group of tourists, killing 26 men—many of them civilians visiting from other parts of India—apparently because they were not Muslim. 

    The massacre has reignited tensions between India and Pakistan, long-time adversaries whose rivalry dates back to the partition of British India in 1947. The violence in Kashmir, a region both countries claim, has once again drawn global concern, particularly given the nuclear capabilities and dense populations of both nations.

    Signs of escalation have already begun to surface. Cross-border firing has resumed, and both India and Pakistan have traded sharp accusations. In response to the attacks, New Delhi and Islamabad have initiated diplomatic reprisals, including the cancellation of visas, the suspension of bilateral agreements, and formal statements of condemnation. Military drills and a surge in nationalistic rhetoric have further heightened tensions.

    Despite growing pressure from segments of the media urging a forceful response—often invoking comparisons to Israel’s approach in similar situations—there is still no clarity on whether the crisis will spiral into open conflict. For now, India appears to be responding with restraint, signaling a degree of strategic maturity aimed at avoiding a war that would bring only greater hardship to the state.

    The pressure is real

    The Hindu nationalist government, led by the hardline figure of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, is now under intense pressure from all sides. The Hindu factions that support him are calling for full-scale war—urging India to act like Israel and punish Pakistan. Meanwhile, the main opposition party, the Indian National Congress, is seizing the moment to criticize Modi, and the media is offering little sympathy.

    More than reporting on the attacks themselves, many outlets seem to focus on how the attack was carried out in an explicitly Islamist manner—something that, disturbingly, has become a selling point in parts of India. The attack has also undermined Modi’s previous claims that scrapping Article 370 had made Kashmir safer and that India’s defense sector was now foolproof. In a way, Modi is now bearing the weight of his own narrative.

    There is little doubt in New Delhi that the attacks were carried out by Kashmiri Islamists, with support from across the border in Pakistan. India has long presented evidence that Pakistan-occupied Kashmir has become a breeding ground for Islamist terrorism. In response, India initiated immediate retaliatory steps. Most notably, it suspended the long-standing Indus Waters Treaty with Pakistan—a move not taken even during previous wars.

    Another front has emerged in the battle over narrative. Indian intelligence asserts that the Pahalgam attack was unmistakably an act of terrorism, contradicting earlier reports from international media outlets—including the BBC and The New York Times—that failed to establish a clear terrorist link. Even former U.S. President Donald Trump criticized the ambiguity. In response, the Modi government has intensified efforts to label the attackers as terrorists and to highlight Pakistan’s alleged role.

    The Indian Ministry of External Affairs recently wrote to major international media organizations—including the BBC, Associated Press, and Reuters—objecting to their use of the term “Militants” instead of “Terrorists” in coverage. Additionally, the government has blocked 16 Pakistani YouTube channels and restricted access to social media pages of prominent Pakistani news outlets like Dawn News, ARY News, and Geo News across India.

    Still, critics of Modi and the media demand swift action. They are calling for war, and every movement from India’s military or strategic command is being watched closely, even celebrated. At the same time, opposition leaders and Islamist voices are using these moments to further criticize the government—adding more pressure to an already volatile situation.

    Pakistan sees an opportunity

    The tension is becoming an advantage for Pakistan. A country that is deeply divided politically, economically, and demographically has always found unity when it comes to India. Despite internal divisions, most Pakistanis share a collective animosity toward India. While the government may not have full control over its military or the terrorists operating within its borders, politicians are skillfully using the current situation to stir anti-India sentiment. Anyone who opposes the government, including Balochs and Pathans, is branded a traitor.

    Amid escalating tensions, Pakistan has repositioned air defense systems and deployed troops closer to the Line of Control—the border dividing India- and Pakistan-administered Kashmir—as well as to Sialkot in the country’s east. Pakistani media coverage has zeroed in on these military maneuvers, official government statements, and the humanitarian toll of the latest flashpoint in the long-standing Kashmir conflict.

    Additionally, there is growing concern over the Indus River Treaty’s implications for Pakistan. If India diverts water from the rivers, Pakistan’s agrarian economy would suffer immensely. The only fertile land in Pakistan depends on the Indus river and its tributaries, and a lack of water would lead to major troubles. Pakistani media is portraying the Indian government as inhumane, fueling the longstanding Islamic rivalry with India. it’s clear that the rising tensions are consolidating Pakistan’s position as a state.

    What happens next?

    While the media in both countries, as well as international outlets, are speculating that war is imminent, in reality, it appears that India will refrain from full-scale conflict. The chances of India engaging in an all-out war seem low. Although some reports suggest that Prime Minister Modi has given the military authorization to strike at the right time and with appropriate measures, it is more likely that India will resort to surgical strikes or targeted attacks on terrorist breeding grounds in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir.

    The logic is straightforward: India has much to lose, while Pakistan does not. Modi’s biggest ambition is to make India a $5 trillion economy and a global superpower. If war breaks out, even feeding 1.5 billion people could become a serious challenge. Therefore, India seems to be planning a strategy focused on targeted strikes and economic pressure. Actions like freezing the Indus Water Treaty and imposing economic restrictions are signs of this approach.

    Pakistan’s economy is already in crisis and may not withstand further pressure. India is betting that continued stress could lead to Pakistan’s internal collapse and possible fragmentation, which could serve India’s interests more effectively than a conventional war or nuclear escalation.

    This scenario may be India’s most favorable outcome, while Pakistan appears to be pushing for escalation, possibly to rally its population behind the government and military and to blame India for its failures. Pakistan will likely continue to provoke, while India will respond with calculated restraint.

  • Tajikistan: Rahmon Clears the Decks for Rustam’s Coronation

    Tajikistan: Rahmon Clears the Decks for Rustam’s Coronation

    Tajikistan, long regarded as a prime example of a sham democracy, is setting the stage for a coronation. President Emomali Rahmon, in power since 1992 and undisputed leader since 1998, is systematically preparing his son, Rustam Emomali, to take over the presidency. This unfolding succession bears all the hallmarks of a dynastic transfer of power, proceeding alongside a persistent campaign to suppress opposition and centralize authority.

    Weeks after the parliamentary elections—where the ruling party secured yet another overwhelming victory, widely condemned by international observers and local critics as neither free nor fair—Rahmon began a wave of high-level government reshuffles, replacing experienced officials with loyalists. Political analysts interpret these moves not as reforms, but as strategic consolidations, clearing a direct path for Rustam’s seamless ascension.

    Rahmon Accelerates Power Transfer

    Since the beginning of 2025, Rahmon has reshaped Tajikistan’s state security apparatus, with the Ministry of Internal Affairs being the latest to undergo a personnel overhaul. In an April 22 presidential statement, Rahmon announced sweeping changes at both the national and district levels, stressing the importance of improving the training of young personnel within the Interior Ministry.

    As Rahmon removes veteran leaders from key ministries, he simultaneously elevates his 37-year-old son, Rustam, to more influential positions. Already the mayor of Dushanbe and the speaker of the senate, Rustam is increasingly taking on prominent roles. In an unprecedented break from protocol, Rahmon had Rustam deliver the annual New Year’s address to the nation—the first time since 1994 that Rahmon himself did not deliver the speech.

    Rahmon has also shuffled key personnel to oust powerful figures who may not support the dynastic succession, removing potential opposition to Rustam’s authority.

    Challenges still await Rustam

    Foreign observers remain skeptical that Rustam Emomali can sustain himself at the helm of Tajik politics, despite the calculated maneuvering by his father, President Emomali Rahmon. Two formidable obstacles threaten the smooth execution of the dynastic handover. First, opposition appears to be brewing within Rahmon’s own extended family, with some influential members reportedly doubting Rustam’s ability to safeguard the political and financial interests of the ruling clan. Second, the country’s persistent economic malaise—defined by widespread poverty and chronic unemployment—offers little structural support for a stable transition of power.

    In March, during Rahmon’s visit to Moscow, Russia’s Nezavisimaya Gazeta noted that the succession question in Tajikistan has been discussed for more than five years. Yet, despite years of speculation, the paper argued that the political and socio-economic preconditions for a hereditary transfer of power remain absent.

    During that same trip, Rahmon reportedly sought Moscow’s endorsement for a Tajik political dynasty. According to the Nezavisimaya analysis, any Russian support would likely come with a price—most notably, access to investment opportunities in Tajikistan’s renewable energy sector and rare earth mineral reserves.

    Some analysts believe that Rahmon’s recent personnel purges may have backfired, weakening rather than bolstering Rustam’s standing. They warn that the wholesale removal of senior officials could spark internal power struggles, not stability. The prolonged ambiguity surrounding the transition has begun to erode the patience of even Rahmon’s most loyal supporters. Observers also stress that internal divisions within the regime are deepening, and that Rustam lacks the authority and command his father has long wielded to keep the country in check.

    Democracy – A Distant Dream?

    Dynastic politics in Tajikistan now appear nearly inevitable. The country’s hollow elections and a weak, ineffective opposition lack both the resolve and the ability to change this trajectory. With the scars of civil war still visible and increasing concerns over Islamist radicalization and foreign interference, the regime has successfully rallied the public around nationalism, framing continued leadership under the current regime as the only safe option.

    The banned Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikistan (IRPT), once the country’s leading opposition force, has joined three plaintiffs in filing a case with the International Criminal Court, accusing President Emomali Rahmon’s administration of crimes against humanity. However, the impact of this legal challenge seems limited. International justice moves at a glacial pace, and Rahmon enjoys the protection of Moscow’s unwavering support.

    Yet the future remains uncertain. If widespread discontent eventually leads to unrest, Islamist factions may seize the opportunity to fill the void. If Rustam Emomali fails to secure power, Russia could intervene and install a more reliable alternative. So, For now, true democracy in Tajikistan remains an elusive dream.

  • With Trade Talks in Motion, Modi and J.D. Vance Strike a Hopeful Note

    With Trade Talks in Motion, Modi and J.D. Vance Strike a Hopeful Note

    The U.S. Vice President’s highly celebrated visit to India concluded amid chaotic days, as rising India-Pakistan tensions flared after a terrorist attack in Kashmir. Yet both India and the United States are portraying the trip as a diplomatic success in strengthening their ties. Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Vice President J.D. Vance praised what they called significant progress toward a bilateral trade agreement — one aimed at helping India avoid steep tariff hikes announced by President Donald Trump, modestly opening India’s vast market to American goods, and encouraging greater Indian purchases from the United States.

    An important visit

    Accompanied by the Second Lady, Usha Vance — who has Indian roots — and their children, Ewan, Vivek, and Mirabel, Vice President Vance arrived in New Delhi on Monday for a four-day visit blending high-level negotiations with family sightseeing. Indian media warmly covered the family’s arrival, highlighting the children’s traditional Indian attire and their visits to prominent Hindu temples as a symbol of deepening ties between the two nations. They were welcomed at the airport by Railways Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw.

    At the airport, Vance stood beneath a red canopy shielding him from the blazing sun, while soldiers saluted and a military band played the U.S. national anthem. Optimism about a potential trade deal followed a series of one-on-one and delegation-level meetings between Modi and Vance at the prime minister’s official residence, culminating in a dinner hosted by Modi for the Vance family.

    With President Trump’s 90-day pause on tariff hikes nearing its expiration, negotiators on both sides are working urgently to finalize a limited trade deal by July, with hopes for a broader agreement by autumn. Without a deal, tariffs on Indian exports are set to rise sharply, from 10% to 26%.

    Although no formal agreements are expected during this visit, Vance’s engagement lends fresh political momentum to the negotiations and signals Washington’s commitment to securing an accord. Meanwhile, Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman, currently in Washington, is pressing India’s case for a swift resolution.

    Mega Partnership

    Modi’s close relationship with Trump is widely credited with securing India’s exemption from certain tariff rates. JD Vance’s diplomatic mission is viewed as a step toward transforming the personal bond between Trump and Modi into a more comprehensive US-India partnership. Amid an escalating tariff dispute, the US finds itself in a vulnerable position, grappling with growing recession fears and minimal progress in easing tensions with China. In this environment, gaining access to India’s vast market has become a crucial priority for the US, not only to address trade imbalances but also to fulfill Trump’s goal of revitalizing domestic production. However, the US cannot compromise on India’s higher tariff rates, as such concessions could spark negative perceptions, even among its European allies.

    The Prime Minister’s office issued a statement applauding the significant strides made in negotiations for a mutually beneficial India-US Bilateral Trade Agreement, which emphasizes the well-being of both nations’ citizens. India has already lowered tariffs on certain US goods, with further reductions expected. The agreement could also involve Indian purchases of US-made Javelin missiles and Stryker vehicles, along with tariff reductions on more than half of India’s $41.8 billion in imports from the US. The US remains India’s largest trading partner, with bilateral trade exceeding $190 billion.

    During a goodwill visit to Washington in February, following Trump’s return to the White House, Modi and Trump pledged to more than double trade to $500 billion, which Modi described as a “Mega Partnership.” Behind the scenes, discussions have progressed under a framework established during Modi’s Washington visit. The two leaders also welcomed initiatives to expand cooperation in energy, defense, and strategic technologies. Additionally, India is eager to secure fresh investments from Elon Musk, who recently spoke with Modi and indicated he may visit India later this year to explore Tesla’s long-awaited entry into the market of 1.45 billion people.

    Is it all smooth sailing?

    While things seem to be moving in a positive direction, opening up the Indian market will not be easy for Modi, as it has traditionally been highly restricted. Easing these restrictions could spark massive protests against him and his government. The socialist, communist, and Islamist parties, along with affiliated trade and farmers’ unions, have consistently adopted a hostile stance toward both the United States and India’s market liberalization efforts. They will undoubtedly oppose these moves. The All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS), a prominent left-wing farmers’ organization, has warned that trade liberalization could severely impact farm incomes, particularly in the dairy sector. The AIKS, linked with India’s Communist Party and claiming over 16 million members, has accused US Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick of “Coercion” for pushing to include India’s heavily subsidized agricultural sector in the deal. Clearly, Modi faces a significant challenge.

    What happens next?


    While Modi may not be making sweeping tariff concessions, he is expected to increase India’s purchases from the US and expand agreements across various sectors. In exchange, Trump may delay tariff decisions and provide greater support for India’s foreign policy challenges, particularly concerning Pakistan and China. Notably, neither the US president nor vice president have adopted the same aggressive stance toward India in imposing tariffs as they have with other countries, even those within their circle of allies.

    Modi also extended “Warm Greetings” to Trump, expressing his anticipation for the president’s visit to India later this year, according to a statement. Modi had previously invited Trump to attend the Quad Leadership Summit during his Washington trip. The Quad, consisting of the US, India, Japan, and Australia, is viewed as a key counterbalance to China’s growing influence in the region. It appears that India and the US are building a stronger relationship, with the potential to become even closer allies.

  • In Kashmir, Acts of Terror Reopen Wounds Between Nations

    In Kashmir, Acts of Terror Reopen Wounds Between Nations

    Two of Asia’s most powerful and contentious neighbors—nuclear-armed and densely populated—are once again on the brink of confrontation following a terrorist attack in Indian-administered Kashmir. The assault, reportedly carried out by Islamist extremists, targeted Hindu civilians, sparking widespread outrage across India.

    The targeted killings of Hindu civilians have placed immense pressure on Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Hindu nationalist government to respond forcefully. Public sentiment, especially on social media, is overwhelmingly in favor of military retaliation. Pakistan, frequently accused by New Delhi of harboring or supporting cross-border terrorist groups, has come under renewed scrutiny and is reportedly preparing for a potential escalation.

    As tensions rise rapidly on both sides, fears are growing of yet another dangerous standoff between these long-standing adversaries—one that could lead to a catastrophic human toll.

    What happened in Kashmir?

    The brutal terrorist attack that claimed 26 lives in one of Kashmir’s most scenic regions shattered a period of relative calm, transforming a popular tourist destination into a scene of horror. It’s reported that some gunmen emerged from dense pine forests, asked tourists about their religion, and selectively killed Hindu men. A little-known group, calling itself the Resistance Front, claimed responsibility, but Indian authorities suspect it is a proxy for Lashkar-e-Taiba or another Pakistan-based faction. While Pakistan denies supporting terrorists, clear signs emerged in recent weeks that Islamabad had been preparing for a possible Indian response.

    India and Pakistan, having fought three wars over the disputed territory, remain deeply divided. The integration of Kashmir into India has been a core objective for Narendra Modi’s government, which revoked the region’s special status five years ago. This move brought Kashmir in line with other Indian territories, granting New Delhi direct control and ushering in a period of relative calm.

    At the same time, Kashmir remains a crucial unifying issue for Pakistan, which often uses the dispute to rally domestic support, particularly when the government faces internal challenges. This latest terrorist attack occurred just a week after Pakistan’s army chief, General Asim Munir, referred to Kashmir as Pakistan’s “jugular” and vowed not to “abandon our Kashmiri brothers in their heroic struggle.

    Escalating tit-for-tat moves

    After canceling his visit to Saudi Arabia and returning to New Delhi, the Indian Prime Minister convened high-level meetings to formulate a response to the attack, with Pakistan as the primary focus. The initial steps were diplomatic: India canceled visas, shut down diplomatic channels, downgraded bilateral relations, and suspended the Indus Waters Treaty—a crucial water-sharing agreement on which Pakistan heavily depends. The Prime Minister has since vowed that retaliation will follow in a form that delivers lasting consequences for Pakistan.

    In response, Pakistan has begun implementing countermeasures. Islamabad has closed its airspace to Indian aircraft, canceled diplomatic engagements, suspended visa issuance, and halted trade with India. Its strongest reaction has come against the suspension of the Indus Waters Treaty—one of the world’s most enduring and vital water-sharing agreements, essential to Pakistan’s agricultural sector. Pakistani officials warn that this move could prove more damaging than a military strike, as agriculture remains a cornerstone of an economy already strained by poverty, inflation, and domestic terrorism. Any disruption to water supplies could plunge the country into deeper instability.

    As part of its retaliation, Pakistan has also suspended the Shimla Accord—the 1972 treaty that served as the bedrock of diplomatic engagement between the two nations.

    Did terrorists succeed in reigniting Kashmir?

    Pakistan and allied Islamist groups have long sought to bring Kashmir back into the international spotlight—and the recent attack appears to have achieved just that. It was timed during U.S. Vice President JD Vance’s visit to India, where he emphasized deepening defense ties and praised New Delhi as a key strategic partner. The attack gained significant global media attention as a result. Simultaneously, Prime Minister Narendra Modi was on a widely covered visit to Saudi Arabia—an Islamic nation traditionally close to Pakistan but now warming to India. In that sense, Pakistan also succeeded in reminding the Islamic world of Kashmir.

    Domestically, it’s also a short-term win for Pakistan. Confronted with deep political divisions and growing separatist unrest in Balochistan, Islamabad seized the moment to rally unity by inflaming anti-India sentiment. Yet whether this renewed spotlight on Kashmir will actually find support among Kashmiris remains highly uncertain.

    Since Modi’s government revoked Jammu and Kashmir’s special status in 2019, the region has experienced relative calm. Terrorist incidents declined, and tourism soared—reaching 3.5 million visitors in 2024. Modi has used this to present Kashmir’s “normalization” as a political and economic success, despite lingering resentment over the region’s heavy militarization.

    The latest attack has disrupted this fragile peace and placed local livelihoods at risk. In protest, more than a dozen Kashmiri organizations closed businesses and held marches, with demonstrators chanting, “Tourists are our lifeline.”

    While Pakistan may have succeeded in turning the world’s gaze back to Kashmir, the response from within the valley suggests the move may backfire.

    What happens next?

    Modi’s swift return from an official visit to Saudi Arabia highlights the government’s determination to respond decisively. The pressure is mounting for a strong retaliation following the brazen attack in one of the world’s most militarized zones. Analysts speculate that India may consider cross-border strikes, similar to those launched after the 2019 Pulwama suicide bombing, which killed 40 Indian paramilitary personnel. However, unlike Pulwama, the recent victims were civilians, raising the political stakes even higher.

    Modi, a Hindu nationalist leader, is expected to seek revenge, though predicting his next move is challenging. While open war seems unlikely—given that India has much more to lose, and the economy remains a primary concern—Modi’s political agenda may not allow him to back down without some form of retaliation. Pakistan may have succeeded in bringing Kashmir back into the global spotlight, but India’s suspension of the Indus Waters Treaty has introduced an unexpected consequence. While this move is a blow to Pakistan, it allows the government to rally domestic support by blaming India for its mounting problems and fueling anti-India rhetoric.

  • Is Sri Lanka quietly drifting back into India’s orbit?

    Is Sri Lanka quietly drifting back into India’s orbit?

    Long wary of being seen as a satellite of India, Sri Lanka has spent decades navigating its foreign alignments—at times courting the West, and more recently, leaning heavily toward China. That pivot, especially during the Rajapaksa era, brought a surge of Chinese investment but also coincided with one of the most severe economic crises in the island’s post-independence history. Now, under the weight of that collapse, Sri Lanka appears to be rebalancing. The island nation is quietly edging back toward New Delhi—not through grand gestures, but via a deliberate flow of strategic agreements and behind-the-scenes diplomacy.

    For Colombo, this shift marks a pragmatic recalibration. What was once seen as a one-sided relationship with India is increasingly viewed as a possible path out of economic despair. For New Delhi, the moment offers both a strategic opening and a pressing imperative. By providing critical aid, essential supplies, and infrastructure investment, India is not only helping to stabilize its southern neighbor but also reinforcing its presence in a region where Beijing’s influence has grown markedly.

    Modi’s visit to Sri Lanka

    Narendra Modi, the Indian Prime Minister who has skillfully crafted diplomatic relationships across the region, recently made a significant visit to Colombo. The trip—his first to Sri Lanka since President Anura Kumara Dissanayake took office in September last year—served as a symbol of the changing dynamics in South Asian geopolitics.

    During the visit, India and Sri Lanka signed seven key agreements spanning defense, energy, digital infrastructure, health, and trade. The move signaled a recalibration in regional alliances, as both nations work to counterbalance China’s growing influence in the Indian Ocean.

    Initially, concerns in New Delhi centered around Dissanayake’s leftist background and potential leanings toward Beijing. However, those apprehensions have since softened. Instead of drifting closer to China, Colombo appears to be re-engaging with New Delhi in a more pragmatic and strategic manner.

    Dissanayake reassured Modi that Sri Lanka would not permit its territory to be used in any way that might threaten India’s security. Modi, in turn, welcomed the gesture, emphasizing the deeply interconnected nature of security interests between the two nations.

    India Backs Sri Lanka’s Core Needs

    Amid an economic collapse and mounting debt to China, India provided vital supplies and assistance when Sri Lankans needed them most. While China invested heavily in large-scale infrastructure projects—many of which offered limited benefits to ordinary citizens—India’s approach focused on immediate relief and practical support. This made a lasting impact on the public and nudged the Sri Lankan government toward rebuilding trust and strengthening ties with New Delhi.

    That relationship is now evolving. Expanding beyond emergency aid, India is investing across multiple sectors. As a symbol of this growing partnership, the two leaders recently inaugurated—virtually—the construction of a 120-megawatt solar power plant, a joint venture funded by India and aimed at advancing Sri Lanka’s energy future.

    Sri Lanka needs to balance

    While Sri Lanka is working to repair its relationship with India, cutting ties with China is far from simple. China remains Sri Lanka’s largest bilateral creditor, accounting for over half of the island’s $14 billion in bilateral debt at the time of its sovereign default in 2022. The economic collapse, however, forced Colombo to rethink its heavy dependence on China—a reliance that had contributed to the crisis—and created space for India to step in with substantial financial and material assistance.

    Nonetheless, China’s role in restructuring Sri Lanka’s infrastructure loans remains vital. President Dissanayake’s first official overseas visit to New Delhi in December signaled a renewed diplomatic warmth, but his subsequent trip to Beijing in January underscored the balancing act Colombo must maintain. That same month, Sri Lanka signed a $3.7 billion investment deal with a Chinese state-owned company to build an oil refinery in the country’s south, reaffirming Beijing’s enduring economic footprint.

    It’s evident that Sri Lanka still looks to China for large-scale funding—support that India, thus far, has been cautious to extend. As such, it would be premature to declare a pro-India tilt in Colombo’s foreign policy. Instead, Sri Lanka appears to be navigating a delicate path, seeking to balance both powers in pursuit of its own national interests.

    What happens next?

    It’s clear that Trump’s trade policies have shaken the global order. China is no longer the China the world once knew; it is now seeking broader relationships rather than maintaining a confrontational posture. This shift will inevitably influence dynamics in South Asia as well. The region, with its massive population, represents a significant market that China cannot afford to ignore. Yet among South Asian nations, India stands out with the strongest purchasing power—making a stable relationship with New Delhi increasingly important for Beijing.

    India, for its part, remains deeply concerned about China’s growing influence in Sri Lanka, which it considers part of its traditional sphere of interest. As China recalibrates its global strategy, it may seek to ease regional tensions with India, potentially stepping back from past hostilities. In this evolving landscape, the groundwork is being laid for improved relations between India and Sri Lanka—an alignment that could help India reclaim its influence in the region. At the same time, it offers Sri Lanka a valuable escape from the strategic and economic trap it has been struggling to navigate.

  • The Impeachment of Yoon Suk Yeol: A Chapter Closes, But the Story Goes On

    The Impeachment of Yoon Suk Yeol: A Chapter Closes, But the Story Goes On

    The president who declared martial law and attempted to shutter parliament has finally been decisively ousted. The political drama that has gripped South Korea since December is now approaching its climactic turn. In the peak moment of this saga, for 22 breathless minutes, millions across the nation listened as Chief Justice Moon Hyung-bae of the Constitutional Court delivered the verdict in the impeachment of Yoon Suk Yeol—an outcome shaped by the president’s chaotic and authoritarian bid to consolidate power. The wait was excruciating, the atmosphere almost theatrical.

    The court’s ruling on Friday may have offered a fleeting sense of institutional redemption. Yet domestically, the country remains deeply fractured. The verdict that ousted the president is far from the final act. The saga will continue—perhaps as another season in a long-running national reckoning. The decision has now triggered a 60-day countdown to elect a new president, with the date to be announced within ten days by Acting President Han Duck-soo.

    A landmark verdict

    The Constitutional Court’s decision marks a pivotal juncture in South Korea’s democratic history. With each damning sentence, Chief Justice Moon Hyung-bae gave voice to a public long demanding the permanent removal of the suspended president. Crowds gathered outside the court hung on every word, their anticipation mounting as Moon methodically laid out the case against Yoon Suk Yeol.

    Moon declared that Yoon’s actions posed a direct threat to democracy. He asserted that the 64-year-old conservative populist had gravely betrayed the public’s trust, plunging the nation into its most destabilizing political crisis since its democratic transition in the late 1980s. When the Chief Justice finally pronounced that President Yoon was officially removed from office, the crowd outside erupted in cheers.

    According to Moon, Yoon’s declaration of martial law had sown widespread chaos, damaging both the economy and foreign relations. He emphasized that Yoon not only imposed martial law without legitimate cause but also violated the constitution by using military and police forces to obstruct the legislature. This, Moon concluded, constituted a flagrant abuse of emergency powers and a collapse of constitutional order.

    The Chief Justice stressed that the severity of Yoon’s violations—both in terms of constitutional principles and their broader political consequences—made his removal necessary. The decision, though deeply disruptive, was framed as essential to preserving democratic integrity.

    Yoon, who did not appear in court for the ruling, has no right to appeal. He now faces a separate criminal trial on charges of insurrection—a dramatic final chapter to a presidency undone by its own authoritarian excesses.

    The election is coming.

    South Korea’s turbulent political climate now shifts toward a high-stakes presidential election, set in motion by the impeachment of President Yoon Suk Yeol. Acting President Han Duck-soo is expected to announce the election date in the coming days. Although the legal process has advanced, the political atmosphere remains deeply fraught, with the public starkly divided.

    Political parties are racing to field competitive candidates, with the Democratic Party’s Lee Jae-myung currently leading in the polls. In contrast, Yoon’s conservative People Power Party faces a formidable task: finding a nominee who is either free from association with the disgraced administration or capable of channeling the strongman persona that once galvanized Yoon’s base.

    During his presidency, Yoon often leaned on Cold War-era rhetoric, branding opponents as pro–North Korean or anti-state—language that analysts believe only deepened national polarization. As the party charts its path forward, any potential candidate will need to navigate this fractured landscape by studying Yoon’s core supporters and tailoring a message that resonates with them.

    Unsettled division

    The ongoing clashes between South Korea’s rival political factions present a profound challenge to the country’s democratic foundations. While friction between a president and a parliament controlled by opposing parties is not unusual, the current level of animosity has taken a deeply unsettling turn. The National Assembly has become a battleground, a reflection of the broader dysfunction consuming the nation’s political discourse.

    When the Assembly held its initial impeachment vote in December, it offered the People Power Party a chance to distance itself from President Yoon Suk Yeol. Instead, its lawmakers boycotted the vote and reaffirmed their loyalty to the embattled leader. In doing so, they lent credence to Yoon’s widely discredited claims that recent elections—including a parliamentary vote earlier in the year—had been tainted by fraud.

    Such rhetoric found a receptive audience among Yoon’s supporters, who echoed Donald Trump’s “Stop the Steal” slogans as they poured into the streets. Conspiracy theories, once confined to the margins, quickly moved to the heart of political protest.

    Whoever takes office in the upcoming presidential election will inherit the unenviable task of bridging a deeply polarized society and restoring trust in democratic institutions—institutions that many believe Yoon systematically undermined.

    Conservatives in Trouble

    The Constitutional Court’s ruling brings a dramatic close to the turbulent three-year presidency of Yoon Suk Yeol, a conservative populist whose rise and downfall are now framed by impeachment. After narrowly defeating liberal candidate Lee Jae-myung in the 2022 election, Yoon was initially seen as a bold, no-nonsense leader poised to cut through political deadlock and restore order to a weary electorate. But what once seemed like strength soon hardened into inflexibility. His presidency became defined by relentless confrontation—battling an opposition-led National Assembly, targeting critical journalists, clashing with striking medical workers, and obstructing probes into corruption allegations involving his wife, Kim Keon Hee. His rhetoric grew increasingly incendiary, casting political opponents as criminals and accusing them of colluding with North Korea, echoing the paranoia of South Korea’s Cold War past.

    In the wake of the ruling, the People Power Party issued a restrained statement, calling the verdict regrettable while affirming its respect for the Constitutional Court’s decision. The party also extended a formal apology to the public. Meanwhile, Yoon’s legal team denounced the decision as unconstitutional and demanded his immediate reinstatement. But public sentiment had already turned decisively against him. A Gallup Korea poll released just days before the verdict found that 60 percent of South Koreans supported his permanent removal from office.

    With the political winds shifting sharply against the conservatives, Yoon’s party now faces an uphill battle as it braces for the upcoming presidential election.

    The saga continues

    The political saga is far from over. Few believe that either the candidates or the electorate in the upcoming presidential election will be able to move beyond the bitterness of the past four months. Yoon’s future also looms as a troubling uncertainty in South Korean politics. He now faces a separate criminal trial on charges of insurrection—a grave offense that carries the possibility of life imprisonment or even the death penalty, although no executions have been carried out in South Korea since the late 1990s. Despite his removal from office, Yoon continues to command a fiercely loyal base, and how his supporters respond in the coming weeks will be closely watched. As the country approaches the polls, the political landscape remains deeply fractured. A liberal victory appears increasingly likely, while the conservative camp is gripped by internal doubts and public distrust. And The climate of hostility shows little sign of dissipating.

  • Bangladesh beckons China, offering a strategic foothold

    Bangladesh beckons China, offering a strategic foothold

    Bangladesh’s interim government has harbored resentment toward India from the outset, frequently expressing its hostility through political actions and rhetoric on social media. From symbolic gestures—such as placing Indian flags beneath their feet—to inflammatory online discourse, nationalist factions in Bangladesh regularly voice their disdain for India, despite its crucial role in the country’s independence.

    With relations with India strained and facing economic, demographic, and cultural challenges, Bangladesh has consistently sought external support. A decade ago, Pakistan might have been a viable ally, but its internal crises have rendered it ineffective. The West, which once backed efforts to unseat the Hasina government, now maintains its distance, wary of provoking Bangladesh’s growing Islamist factions. Russia, reluctant to jeopardize its strong ties with India, has similarly refrained from direct involvement—leaving China as the most viable alternative for Dhaka’s new leadership.

    As the geopolitical landscape of South Asia shifts, Beijing is steadily entrenching itself in Bangladesh, weaving a web of economic and strategic entanglements that grant it a firmer grip on the Bay of Bengal. This maneuvering is more than a matter of regional diplomacy—it is a calibrated challenge to India’s long-standing influence, a quiet but deliberate push to reshape power dynamics in the subcontinent. For New Delhi, the implications are clear. The alignment between Dhaka and Beijing is not just a passing phase but a structural shift, one that threatens to redefine the balance of power. 

    Evolving Bilateral Cooperation with China

    After meeting with Muhammad Yunus, the leader of Bangladesh’s interim government, Chinese President Xi Jinping reaffirmed Beijing’s commitment to deepening bilateral ties, emphasizing China’s readiness to elevate cooperation with Bangladesh. According to Yunus office, the trip secured $2.1 billion in Chinese investments, loans, and grants.

    A substantial portion of this funding is earmarked for establishing a Chinese Industrial Economic Zone (CIEZ) in Bangladesh, with nearly 30 Chinese companies pledging $1 billion to the project. This aligns with Yunus push for increased private Chinese investment in Bangladesh’s manufacturing sector.

    Additionally, China plans to provide a $400 million loan to modernize Mongla, Bangladesh’s second-largest port. Further cooperation on projects like Mongla’s modernization and the potential Teesta River initiative is drawing Bangladesh deeper into China’s Belt and Road Initiative. Discussions also covered water resource management, and Beijing reaffirmed its support for Bangladesh’s efforts to repatriate over a million Rohingya refugees still living in overcrowded camps after fleeing persecution in Myanmar.

    For Bangladesh’s interim government, Yunus meeting with Xi was a significant diplomatic breakthrough. While many countries remain hesitant to engage in large-scale agreements with an interim administration, China has shown no such reservations, actively reviving ties that had remained stagnant since the previous government’s fall.

    However, a pressing concern is the widening trade imbalance. Bangladesh’s exports to China, primarily textiles, account for only a fraction of the $23 billion bilateral trade volume. In response, China has granted zero-tariff market access to Bangladeshi products, creating new opportunities for industries such as leather goods. Agricultural exports, including mangoes and jackfruits, are already in the pipeline, with the potential for further expansion into China’s vast agricultural market.

    Yet, concerns persist over the nature of Chinese investments. Unlike Western economic partnerships, Chinese funding often comes with minimal social or environmental safeguards, raising questions about how much Bangladesh’s labor force and broader population will truly benefit from these deals.

    Worsening Bilateral Cooperation with India

    India maintained a strong relationship with Sheikh Hasina’s government, but her departure has disrupted cross-border ties. This shift became evident when Muhammad Yunus chose China for his first state visit, despite reports suggesting that he initially sought to visit New Delhi first.

    According to Yunus press secretary, Shafiqul Alam, the interim government had formally requested a bilateral visit to India as early as December last year—weeks before finalizing the trip to China. However, India did not respond favorably. Meanwhile, speculation remains that Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, known for his Hindu nationalist stance, may explore engagement with the Yunus administration, despite growing allegations of violence against Hindu minorities.

    Analysts suggest that Bangladesh’s interim government is aware of the strategic imperative to maintain stable relations with India. Bangladesh is equally important for India, both as a regional partner and a key player in maintaining stability in South Asia. Modi’s recent meeting with Yunus during a major regional summit underscored ongoing cooperation, and his Independence Day message to Bangladesh’s leadership reaffirmed the significance of strong bilateral ties.

    However, tensions persist, exacerbated by Hasina’s continued presence in India. The growing closeness between Yunus and China is likely to further strain relations, deepening the rift between Dhaka and New Delhi.

    Future of India-Bangladesh Relations

    Given the profound historical and cultural ties between the two nations, the restoration of diplomatic relations remains essential. Yet, the trajectory appears to be diverging. China’s chief interest in Bangladesh lies in its strategic position, a development that poses a considerable risk for India. The Bay of Bengal, a critical extension of the Indian Ocean, serves as India’s most secure maritime domain, anchoring key naval installations along its eastern seaboard.

    India’s vulnerability is further compounded by the narrow corridor that connects its mainland to the landlocked northeastern states, a passage running along the Bangladesh border. Any shift in Bangladesh’s geopolitical stance could disrupt India’s regional security strategy. Yunus recent remarks on the issue have heightened concerns in India, fueling growing hostility toward the Bangladeshi government. Meanwhile, similar apprehensions are reportedly rising in Dhaka, further deepening the divide.

    India may choose to hold off on any decisive diplomatic moves until after Bangladesh’s elections, with Modi likely to steer clear of direct engagement until a new government is formally in place in Dhaka.

  • Can East Asia Set Aside Old Rivalries to Forge a New Economic Order?

    Can East Asia Set Aside Old Rivalries to Forge a New Economic Order?

    While East Asia remains divided into two camps—one aligned with the U.S. and the other with China—recent developments have sparked speculation about a striking possibility: that the region’s economic giants—China, Japan, and South Korea—could set aside their long-standing rivalries to forge a new economic order. Such an alliance could emerge as a formidable force in Asia, challenging the U.S.-led global system and reshaping the balance of power.

    This idea gained traction after reports from China, initially shared by a social media account affiliated with Chinese state media and later picked up by major outlets like DW, captured widespread interest. As the world focuses on Trump’s escalating tariff threats, East Asian nations—long dependent on trade with the U.S. and deeply embedded in global production and innovation networks—find themselves particularly exposed.

    Despite historical tensions and political differences, Trump’s tariff war is increasingly seen as a common economic challenge. His policies, which make no distinction between allies and adversaries, aim to restore manufacturing to the U.S. or at least rebalance trade—a strategy that threatens to further slow growth in these East Asian economies.

    Amid this uncertainty, diplomatic engagements among these nations have taken on greater significance. Meetings that might have once drawn routine attention are now closely scrutinized, with Chinese reports of closer cooperation between these states gaining widespread recognition.

    The meeting in Seoul

    While the world was waiting for Trump’s Liberation Day announcements on new tariff rates, a pivotal meeting took place in Seoul. China, Japan, and South Korea came together to strengthen trade cooperation, bringing together South Korean Industry Minister Ahn Duk-geun, Japanese Minister of Economy, Trade, and Industry Yoji Muto, and Chinese Commerce Minister Wang Wentao.

    In a joint statement released after the meeting, the three trade ministers committed to advancing comprehensive and high-level negotiations on a South Korea-Japan-China free trade agreement, aiming to bolster both regional and global trade, as reported by DW.

    South Korean Trade Minister Ahn Duk-geun emphasized the need to reinforce the implementation of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), in which all three nations participate. He also highlighted the importance of creating a framework to expand trade cooperation through Korea-China-Japan FTA negotiations.

    The countries further pledged to foster a stable and predictable trade and investment environment. Ahn pointed to the increasing fragmentation of the global economic landscape, stressing the necessity of collective efforts to tackle shared challenges.

    As part of their ongoing collaboration, the ministers agreed to hold their next meeting in Japan.

    Trump’s tariffs

    As Donald Trump announced new tariffs on Wednesday, East Asia is set to bear the brunt of the economic repercussions. A base tariff of 10% has been introduced, and in a bid to rebalance trade, China, Japan, and South Korea will face even steeper taxes, with no exceptions made for U.S. allies.

    Chinese imports will now be subject to a total tariff of 54%, combining a newly imposed 34% tariff with the existing 20%. Key U.S. partners have not been spared—South Korea will be hit with a 26% tariff, while Japan will face a 24% rate. The base tariffs will take effect on April 5, with the higher reciprocal rates coming into force on April 9.

    Adding to the economic strain, new tariffs on automobiles and auto parts have been introduced, delivering a heavy blow to the manufacturing sectors of China, Japan, and South Korea. As home to some of the world’s largest automakers, these nations rely heavily on their automotive industries, making the new trade barriers a serious threat to their economic stability.

    Obstacles outweigh potential?

    While the economic benefits of closer cooperation are real, the challenges outweigh the advantages. Generational animosity between these nations remains strong, and domestic politics in each country often thrives on such rivalries. Closer collaboration could destabilize the already fragile political landscapes of Japan and South Korea, both of which face significant internal challenges. Additionally, the ideological divide between China’s communist government and Japan and South Korea’s democracies raises further concerns about compatibility.

    Another major obstacle is the deep-rooted geopolitical ties—Japan and South Korea’s strong alliances with the U.S. contrast sharply with North Korea’s alignment with China. Both Tokyo and Seoul receive substantial economic and security support from Washington, and any shift toward deeper cooperation with China could put them in a difficult position. Trump, known for his retaliatory economic policies, could respond unfavorably to such a move.

    Amid these complexities, a report from a social media account affiliated with Chinese state media on Monday claimed that China, Japan, and South Korea had agreed on a joint response to U.S. tariffs. However, Seoul dismissed the claim as exaggerated, and Tokyo outright denied that such discussions took place. A spokesperson for South Korea’s trade ministry stated that the assertion was overstated and pointed to the official text of the countries’ joint statement.

    At a press conference on Tuesday, Japan’s Trade Minister Yoji Muto acknowledged that the trade ministers had met over the weekend but clarified that no such discussions had occurred. He described the meeting as a general exchange of views rather than a coordinated economic response. Yes, the fear is real.

    What if major economies join forces?

    According to the IMF, China is the world’s second-largest economy at $20 trillion, followed by Japan at $4 trillion and South Korea at $2 trillion. Together, they form a $26 trillion economy—larger than the European Union’s nominal GDP and nearing the $30 trillion U.S. economy. However, uniting these economic powerhouses remains a daunting challenge, despite their strong trade ties.

    Japan and South Korea depend on China for semiconductor raw materials, while China imports advanced chip products from both nations. Acknowledging this interdependence, all three countries have pledged to strengthen supply chain cooperation and expand discussions on export controls.

    At the Seoul meeting, trade ministers from China, Japan, and South Korea committed to expediting negotiations for a trilateral free trade agreement aimed at strengthening regional and global trade. A spokesperson for South Korea’s trade ministry stated that all three nations acknowledged evolving global trade dynamics and reaffirmed their dedication to ongoing economic cooperation.

    Some analysts speculate about the potential formation of an Asian economic bloc that includes ASEAN and India, creating a formidable economic force. However, deep-seated rivalries, competing strategic interests, and the ambitions of some leaders to establish an “Asian NATO” pose significant challenges, making full economic integration uncertain.

  • As Democracy Falters, a Nostalgic Call for Monarchy Rises in Nepal

    As Democracy Falters, a Nostalgic Call for Monarchy Rises in Nepal

    Nepal, one of the world’s youngest republics, abolished its centuries-old monarchy in 2008 with the promise of stability and renewal. Nearly two decades later, that promise has unraveled. Instead of progress, democracy has brought political paralysis, economic stagnation, and a deepening public disillusionment. The republic is in crisis, and many are beginning to question whether the revolution was a mistake.

    The call for the monarchy’s return is no longer a fringe sentiment. Protesters fill the streets—not out of nostalgia, but out of frustration with the leaders who replaced the king. The government, unnerved by the growing unrest, has responded with crackdowns—at times, with deadly force. The same streets where crowds once gathered to demand democracy are now filled with demonstrators calling for its reversal.

    Is Nepal on the verge of reversing its own revolution?

    Increasing Protests

    Thousands of protesters gathered in Nepal’s capital on Friday, demanding the restoration of the Hindu monarchy and the country’s return to a Hindu state. The demonstrations erupted into violent clashes with police, leaving two people dead and dozens injured. Chaos unfolded as protesters broke through barricades and hurled stones at officers. In response, police fired tear gas, rubber bullets, and live rounds into the air. The unrest quickly spread, with rioters vandalizing homes, shops, and political party offices, even setting fire to buildings, including the headquarters of a newspaper and a TV news channel.

    Police spokesperson Shekhar Khanal confirmed that 17 protesters had been arrested, explaining that security forces were left with no option but to intervene when demonstrators attempted to breach restricted areas. He stated that officers used tear gas to disperse the crowd after protesters tried to force their way through, but the situation escalated as they resorted to vandalism and arson. One protester was killed in the clashes, while a journalist lost his life when a building was set on fire. However, royalist protesters claim that the police were the first to resort to violence.

    Government Tightens Control

    The government recognizes the gravity of the escalating unrest and has decided to take stronger measures. Support for the pro-monarchy movement has surged amid Nepal’s deepening political and economic instability, fueling widespread dissatisfaction. However, the government’s primary concern remains suppressing the protests, fearing they could spiral into a crisis capable of toppling the administration—an outcome not uncommon in South Asia.

    In response, authorities have imposed a curfew in parts of the capital and deployed security forces to maintain control. Prime Minister KP Oli has convened an emergency cabinet meeting to assess the escalating security crisis.

    The protests, the largest since 2023, highlight the growing momentum behind the push for the monarchy’s restoration. Earlier this month, over 10,000 supporters gathered at Kathmandu airport to welcome former King Gyanendra, chanting calls for his reinstatement. Ahead of the demonstrations, the Committee for the Restoration of Monarchy clarified that their demand was for a constitutional monarchy—one that would coexist with a democratic government and serve as a stabilizing force above politics. However, the government remains staunchly opposed, and Gyanendra himself has a history that suggests a deep affinity for power.

    A monarch once much hated

    As royalist support gains momentum, apprehension over the monarchy’s return persists. While nostalgia for the past is growing, the monarchy was once widely despised—a sentiment that fueled Nepal’s deep political strife, akin to civil war, the rise of the Maoist insurgency, and prolonged instability. The country continues to grapple with the lasting effects of that turmoil.

    Gyanendra, the king championed by royalists, remains a polarizing figure. He ascended the throne in 2001 after a mass shooting at the royal palace claimed the lives of most of his family. Initially, he held only ceremonial authority, but in 2005, he seized absolute power, dissolving the government, imprisoning political leaders, declaring a state of emergency, and deploying the army to govern the country. Widespread protests ultimately forced him to cede control to a democratically elected government in 2006. Two years later, in 2008, parliament formally abolished the monarchy.

    A failed democracy

    People once fought fiercely for democracy, but many now question whether it was worth it. Since the republic’s establishment, Nepal has been mired in political instability, with fragile coalition governments collapsing within months and senior leaders entangled in corruption scandals. Public frustration has steadily grown, fueling the resurgence of the pro-monarchy movement. Many supporters do not believe the king will miraculously fix the country, but they see no alternative as corruption deepens and social decay forces their children to seek opportunities abroad. Their disillusionment has driven them back to the streets.

    Meanwhile, pro-government voices claim the movement is fueled by nostalgia, with protesters longing for an imagined era of stability—particularly the so-called “glorious days” of the 1980s, a period Nepal never truly experienced as other nations did. Some, especially the communist leaders now in power, accuse India of interference, arguing that New Delhi would prefer a monarchy over a pro-China republic in Nepal.

    Regardless of the competing narratives, one reality is clear: Nepal’s democracy has failed its people, and they are exhausted.

  • South Korea Reinstates Han Duck-soo After Impeachment Rejected

    South Korea Reinstates Han Duck-soo After Impeachment Rejected

    Another day, another twist. South Korea’s political drama is becoming more gripping—and increasingly unpredictable. The Constitutional Court has overturned the impeachment of Prime Minister Han Duck-soo, reinstating him as acting president in yet another dramatic turn amid months of upheaval.

    Han initially stepped into the role after President Yoon Suk Yeol was impeached for briefly declaring martial law late last year. However, his tenure as acting president was short-lived—lasting less than two weeks—before he was impeached and suspended by the opposition-controlled parliament on December 27 for refusing to appoint three additional justices to the Constitutional Court.

    The decision, which could shape Yoon’s future, put Han at odds with the opposition.

    An Important Verdict

    On Monday, the court’s justices voted seven to one to overturn Han Duck-soo’s impeachment. Of the eight justices, five acknowledged the validity of the impeachment motion but ruled that there were insufficient grounds to remove him, as he had not violated the constitution or South Korean law regarding the martial law declaration or potential insurrection, according to a court statement. Two justices found the impeachment motion invalid from the outset, arguing that it had not secured the required two-thirds majority in parliament. Only one justice voted in favor of impeachment.

    Political Deadlock in South Korea

    South Korea remains mired in political deadlock, with the president and parliament locked in a standoff, each representing rival parties unwilling to display even a modicum of political maturity. The country lacks both strong and imaginative governance. While the Constitutional Court’s ruling restores a form of leadership, whether it can resolve the impasse remains uncertain.

    Although the political deadlock stems from the last parliamentary election, the crisis escalated dramatically when President Yoon Suk Yeol abruptly imposed martial law on December 3. Despite his attempts to retain power, he was ultimately impeached following sustained efforts by parliament. Prime Minister Han Duck-soo briefly assumed the role of acting president, only to face impeachment himself soon after. In the aftermath, Finance Minister Choi Sang-mok took over as acting president while the Constitutional Court deliberated on the cases of both Yoon and Han, deepening the country’s governance turmoil.

    Reinstated as acting president on Monday, Han welcomed the court’s decision and described it as a wise ruling. He emphasized the urgency of national unity, noting that citizens were clearly voicing their discontent with the country’s deeply polarized political landscape. He added that there was no room for further division and that the nation’s priority should be to move forward.

    At 75, Han is a seasoned statesman with more than three decades of leadership experience, having served under five presidents from both conservative and liberal parties. In a nation deeply polarized by partisan politics, he has been regarded as a rare figure whose career transcends ideological divides. Parliament impeached him over his alleged involvement in the martial law declaration, his refusal to appoint additional justices to the Constitutional Court, and his opposition to special counsel bills targeting Yoon and First Lady Kim Keon-hee. 

    What Comes Next?

    The country is grappling with one of its worst ecological crises, marked by rampant wildfires, severe drought, and escalating economic challenges—emergencies that call for strong and stable leadership. Yet, political leaders remain entrenched in their rivalries, unwilling to set aside their differences.

    Despite his reinstatement, Acting President Han continues to face resistance from the opposition. The opposition-led parliament has accused him of failing to prevent Yoon’s declaration of martial law, a charge he has consistently denied. At his sole hearing on February 19, Han rejected any involvement in the decision and urged the court to dismiss the impeachment.

    Yoon’s office welcomed Han’s reinstatement, stating that the ruling exposed the reckless and politically motivated nature of excessive impeachments by the national assembly. The officers expressed hope for greater stability in governance, though the next episode remains volatile.