Category: Asia

  • Diplomacy in Harmony: Malaysia and Indonesia’s Joint Border Resolutions

    Diplomacy in Harmony: Malaysia and Indonesia’s Joint Border Resolutions

    Significant strides have been made recently in the resolution of enduring land disputes between Malaysia and Indonesia. In recent months, the barriers that impeded progress have begun to recede. Both nations are determined to reconcile their differences, pool their resources in a collaborative effort, and stand united against external pressures, particularly the assertive actions of China in Southeast Asia. Additionally, there has been a noticeable increase in the soft power of Australia, India, and China within the region.

    Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi of Indonesia has revealed plans to conclude negotiations on three specific land border segments with Malaysia in the Kalimantan-Sabah region by the end of this year. This development marks the end of a 24-year negotiation process for segments including Pulau Sebatik, Sinapad-Sesai, and West Pillar-AA 2. Notably, agreements for these segments were solidified between 2017 and 2019. Furthermore, in June of the previous year, after 18 years of negotiations, both nations reached an agreement on two maritime border segments in the Sulawesi Sea and the southern Malacca Strait.

    Emphasizing the significance of promptly resolving border issues, Retno highlighted the importance of adhering to international laws, specifically citing the UNCLOS 1982 for maritime borders. Both Indonesian Defense Minister Prabowo Subianto and his Malaysian counterpart, Dato Seri Utama Haji Mohamad bin Haji Hasan, have expressed their commitment to addressing these border disputes, including those pertaining to the Ambalat Block.

    Following the 43rd Malaysia-Indonesia General Border Committee meeting in Jakarta, Subianto emphasized their commitment to tackle challenges with a familial and neighborly approach, expressing confidence that most issues are on the verge of resolution. Similarly, Hasan highlighted the fraternal ties between the two nations and expressed optimism regarding the imminent conclusion of the border dispute negotiations.

    In June 2023, during a meeting in Putrajaya, Indonesian President Joko Widodo and Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim reiterated their dedication to addressing the border issue. However, the discussions did not extend to the maritime boundaries in the Ambalat Block, a contentious area spanning 15,235 square kilometers in the Sulawesi Sea, adjacent to Malaysian waters.

    Malaysian officials indicated that the recent maritime boundary agreement did not include the Ambalat Block, known as Blocks ND6 and ND7. The Ambalat issue revolves around overlapping territorial waters, particularly concerning the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) and continental shelf, as outlined in the 1982 UNCLOS. This overlapping jurisdiction has been a source of contention since 1979 when Malaysia was accused of breaching the Continental Shelf Boundary agreement of 1969, which acknowledged Ambalat as part of Indonesia’s territory.

    The question arises: what has spurred the recent progress in talks? One significant factor is China’s claims in the South China Sea. China is acting more aggressively in the region. There is a distinct divergence in how Malaysia and Indonesia respond to Beijing’s maritime assertions. Kuala Lumpur has adopted a robust stance, actively advancing the development of the Kasawari gas field and deploying military jets. In contrast, Indonesia appears to proceed with more caution, a stance that some experts link to potential Chinese investments.

    Malaysia maintains a steadfast commitment to safeguarding its interests in the Luconia Shoals, particularly in developing the substantial Kasawari gas field, estimated to contain 3 trillion cubic feet of recoverable gas resources. This resolute position aligns with Malaysia’s broader approach to addressing China’s overlapping claims in disputed waters.

    Conversely, Indonesia has previously expressed concerns about perceived Chinese incursions into its waters. In 2019, diplomatic notes were lodged opposing what Indonesia considered the encroachment of Chinese fishing vessels in the Natuna Sea. Although Indonesia claims the Natuna Sea as part of its exclusive economic zone, China asserts historic fishing rights over portions of it. Notably, Indonesia is not part of the South China Sea dispute involving China, Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei, and Taiwan.

    Yan Yan, an expert in maritime issues, underscores the complexity of the situation, noting that until the maritime boundary is definitively settled, each state maintains jurisdictional claims over the area. Consequently, Malaysia’s unilateral actions in oil and gas exploration within the disputed area, before a final resolution on maritime boundaries, could be considered an infringement on the sovereign rights of the other party and may impact the outcome of future dispute settlements.

    Malaysia and Indonesia are acutely aware of the current global order, presenting an opportunity for them to stand together and forge a strong bloc. Collaborating to peacefully resolve land disputes signifies a commitment to unity. Therefore, the prospect of a comprehensive resolution in land disputes, including the Ambalat Block, is now more pressing than ever.

  • Bahasa Indonesia Goes Global: UNESCO’s Endorsement Marks a Historic Moment

    Bahasa Indonesia Goes Global: UNESCO’s Endorsement Marks a Historic Moment

    Indonesia and its language, Bahasa Indonesia, have received significant acclaim on the global stage. In the plenary session of the 42nd General Conference held in Paris on November 20, Bahasa Indonesia was formally recognized as an official language of the UNESCO General Conference. This acknowledgment establishes it as the 10th official language alongside English, Arabic, Mandarin Chinese, French, Spanish, Russian, Hindi, Italian, and Portuguese.

    Bahasa Indonesia, simply known as Indonesian, holds the esteemed position of being both the official and national language of Indonesia. Derived from a standardized form of Malay, an Austronesian language, Bahasa Indonesia has functioned as a lingua franca across the diverse Indonesian archipelago for decades. This recognition solidifies Bahasa Indonesia as one of the popular languages worldwide. 

    Mohamad Oemar, the Indonesian Ambassador to France, Andorra, and Monaco, as well as the Permanent Delegate to UNESCO, highlighted that Bahasa Indonesia, spoken by over 275 million people, has become a global language. Currently, curricula featuring Bahasa Indonesia are utilized in 52 countries, engaging around 150,000 non-native speakers.

    Oemar emphasized the positive impact of designating Indonesian as the official language of the UNESCO General Conference, foreseeing benefits for peace, harmony, and the realization of sustainable development goals not only at the national level but on a global scale. This sentiment was reported by Antara News.

    The official recognition is anticipated to enhance global awareness of Indonesia culturally and economically, underscoring the nation’s commitment to cultural development and fostering connections with other countries. In its comprehensive rationale, UNESCO’s official document outlines 11 points supporting the decision. It emphasizes that recognizing Bahasa Indonesia promotes equitable information dissemination, inclusivity, deeper understanding of language and literature, collaboration with UNESCO, and a commitment to advancing global cultures, peace, and sustainable development. Additionally, it is expected to raise Indonesia’s international profile, fostering greater cooperation and benefiting both the country and UNESCO’s worldwide mission.

    Mohamad Oemar added that the Indonesian language, historically a unifying force, has played a crucial role since pre-independence times, particularly evident through the Youth Pledge in 1928, fostering connections among various ethnicities in Indonesia. So the recognition for Indonesian is recognition of Indonesia.

    Indonesian is becoming increasingly popular worldwide and can be found on most major language learning platforms. Its popularity in the region, ability to do business, and familiarity with Westerners all contribute to its demand as a language. Worldwide, especially in nations like Australia, the Netherlands, Japan, South Korea, Timor-Leste, Vietnam, Taiwan, the United States, and England, Indonesian is taught as a foreign language in educational institutions. Non-Indonesians have become more and more interested in learning the language in recent years.

    With the growing popularity of courses tailored to non-Indonesian speakers, several universities are now offering Bahasa Indonesia.

    Indonesia’s efforts to promote its language extend beyond its borders. For instance, the Indonesian embassy in the Philippines has conducted basic Indonesian language courses for Filipino students and Armed Forces members, with plans to introduce intermediate courses. In the United States, the Indonesian embassy in Washington, D.C. offers free beginner and intermediate level Indonesian language courses.

    This global interest and investment in learning Indonesian represent a well-deserved recognition for Indonesia, acknowledging its position as the fourth most populous nation, fastest-growing economy, and influential global player. Despite being one of the world’s biggest populations, this recognition has often been overlooked. The spotlight on Indonesia and the Indonesian language is gradually expanding on the global stage.

  • Beyond Jokowi: An Insight into Indonesia’s Political Landscape

    Beyond Jokowi: An Insight into Indonesia’s Political Landscape

    A momentous global election season is underway, as numerous democracies prepare to choose their heads of state in 2024. Among these pivotal elections, Indonesia’s presidential election in February 2024 emerges as a key event. Indonesia is on the brink of a significant political transition as President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo plans to retire in October. As the world’s third-largest democracy and the fourth most populous country, Indonesia will choose their new leader to nurture ambitious visions for the future, encompassing plans to relocate its capital and position itself as a global leader.

    Primary figures in the presidential race comprise Defense Minister Prabowo Subianto and Gibran Rakabuming Raka, serving as the candidates for president and vice president, respectively. Another prominent contender is the former education minister and ex-Jakarta governor Anies Baswedan, who is running alongside Muhaimin Iskandar, the chairman of the National Awakening Party (PKB). Furthermore, the pair of former Central Java governor Ganjar Pranowo and Mahfud MD, the country’s coordinator for political, legal, and security affairs, contributes to the varied array of candidates.

    Defense Minister Prabowo Subianto, former Central Java Governor Ganjar Pranowo, and former Jakarta Governor Anies Baswedan offer a departure from the political dynasties and ex-military figures with roots in the Suharto era that have traditionally dominated Indonesian politics. These candidates are vying to succeed two-term President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo. While Jokowi has not formally endorsed any candidate, the clear preference is discernible with Gibran serving as Prabowo’s running mate. 

    With Prabowo Subianto emerging as the front-runner in the presidential race, the selection of President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s son, Gibran Rakabuming Raka, as his running mate solidifies Prabowo’s standing as the heir presumptive. Nevertheless, concerns have arisen regarding the involvement of state institutions and a last-minute Constitutional Court ruling permitting Gibran’s candidacy, prompting uncertainties about the trajectory of Indonesia’s democracy.

    With over four-fifths of Indonesia’s current parliament consisting of coalition parties, there is limited room for opposition representation. The upcoming leaders of Indonesia will confront various geopolitical challenges, particularly in managing Jakarta’s relationship with Beijing. Under Jokowi’s administration, the relationship with China has peaked, with the high-speed rail project serving as a notable example. However, for some Indonesians, this closer association has sparked concerns about potential debt traps and the influx of Chinese workers. Indonesia’s ambitious plans to relocate its capital to Nusantara in Borneo add complexity to the political discourse. This mega project, estimated to cost over $30 billion, introduces another layer to the ongoing political narrative. While contenders Ganjar and Prabowo express dedication to building Nusantara, Anies has voiced criticism regarding the proposed smart city.

    There were significant protests posing a threat to democracy in Indonesia. In 2020, protests erupted across multiple cities in response to the job creation law, with concerns rising about its potential impact on worker rights. In 2019, Indonesians expressed dissent against a new law that weakened the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK). Concurrently, the revision of the MK law aligns with the court’s responsibility to resolve potential election disputes this year.

    While an increased presence of opposition in Indonesia’s parliament could raise the standards for passing laws, the report notes the persistent underrepresentation of women in electoral politics, despite the imposition of a 30 percent gender quota for steering committees and candidates within political parties. This highlights the ongoing challenges in achieving a more inclusive and representative political landscape in Indonesia.

    Growing concerns arise over the mounting pressure on Indonesian democracy, characterized as the most intense since the end of the Suharto era. Despite Indonesia’s successful democratic journey since the conclusion of the New Order dictatorship in 1998, there is now apprehension regarding the potential erosion of its democratic achievements.  Indonesia stands at a crossroads as a democratic country, with religious fundamentalism and regionalism reaching a peak in the coming years. The decisions made by the rulers will determine the future of this nation.

  • Malaysian Politics in Flux: Sorting Fact from Fiction in the Dubai-Connected Rumors

    Malaysian Politics in Flux: Sorting Fact from Fiction in the Dubai-Connected Rumors

    A rumored meeting between opposition leaders and at least two unidentified Malaysian government MPs in Dubai has been the subject of intense debate in recent weeks. This meeting was allegedly intended to engage with backbenchers in order to convince them to change their allegiance and therefore plan the overthrow of Anwar’s government. A potential new scandal is now unfolding.

    The “Dubai Move” purportedly entailed plans to identify and extend offers to MPs willing to switch support to the opposition, aiming to establish a new government. Ismail Yusop, the deputy director-general of the government’s Community Communications Department, claimed on Saturday that opposition leaders and government representatives gathered in Dubai to delegate tasks related to identifying MPs susceptible to accepting bribes in exchange for switching allegiances. The opposition, however, vehemently denied these allegations.

    Doubtful, former prime minister Ismail Sabri Yaakob claimed not to have known about the purported meeting in Dubai. Yaakob took over when Muhyiddin resigned in August 2021, following an unusual public censure from the king. He angrily denied being there at the alleged occurrence, claiming that he was in Saudi Arabia at the time, on his way to Mecca. 

    Members of Malaysia’s unity government are distancing themselves from any knowledge of an alleged political coup plan after a senior government official revealed a purported attempt to oust Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim over the weekend. Prime Minister Anwar, at a separate event, dismissed the impact of coup talks, stating that it was the opposition’s work and would not affect the government, as quoted by English daily The Star.

    A deputy minister affiliated with Ismail’s UMNO party, Abdul Rahman Mohamad, refuted involvement in any efforts to overthrow the government. Mentioned in a YouTube video detailing the “Dubai Move,” he asserted that he could not have been part of the meeting due to engagement in community work in his constituency. In a Facebook post on Monday, he labelled such accusations as “dangerous” for their potential impact on economic stability and announced his intention to pursue legal action against the responsible YouTube account owner.

    Malaysian politics has a history of tumultuous events. In the midst of the pandemic, influential leaders within the ruling party orchestrated a coup, leading to the downfall of then-Premier Mahathir Mohamad. Muhyiddin Yassin played a crucial role in dismantling the reformist ruling alliance Pakatan Harapan, which had governed for just 22 months. Defecting with over 30 MPs, Muhyiddin formed an alliance with his former party, Umno, which had suffered its first defeat in over 60 years during the 2018 election. He subsequently served as caretaker leader for 17 months. 

    According to reports, Kedah Menteri Besar Datuk Seri Muhammad Sanusi Md Nor has acknowledged a purported scheme by the federal opposition to unseat the current federal government. However, he suggested renaming it the “Chow Kit Move” instead of the “Dubai Move.” Sanusi contends that the term “Dubai Move” serves as a decoy, given the commonality of visits to Dubai, and asserts that the discussions actually transpired in Kuala Lumpur.

    While Sanusi did not disclose additional details about the supposed plot, he casually mentioned terms like the “Bera Move” and “Sembrong Move,” dismissing them as jests meant for amusement. He insisted that if changes in government support align with constitutional principles, they should be permissible under the Federal Constitution.

    Sanusi hinted at the possibility that the current government might not complete its five-year term, asserting that any actions sanctioned by the Federal Constitution should be allowed. He argued that if the government considered the constitutional validity of five opposition MPs pledging support to Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, then reciprocal moves should also be treated similarly.

    Barisan Nasional (BN) Chairman Zahid has criticized attempts to destabilized the unity government, deeming it an futile endeavor. He stressed the importance of prioritizing economic strengthening and urged those involved to await the 16th General Election if they intended to topple the government. Emphasizing compliance with anti-party hopping laws, Zahid insisted that decisions must be substantial, necessitating significant consensus from political parties and not solely relying on sworn statements.

    Despite his position, Zahid refrained from disclosing the identities of those purportedly involved in the move. He underscored the need for collective decisions within political parties, expressing hope that the current government, led by Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim as the prime minister, would prioritize economic fortification, assistance to the people, and continue to demonstrate the stability of the country.

    The shadow of corruption has loomed over prominent Malaysian politicians. Navigating a coalition government in this country is inherently complex, particularly when dealing with individuals with diverse political views. Such dynamics frequently give rise to conspiracies, efforts to overthrow the government, instances of corruption, and interference by vested interests. The ongoing acknowledgment of the “Dubai Move”, despite official government refutations, indicates that the road ahead for the coalition government in the upcoming years is poised to be arduous.

  • Padu is Live: Possibilities and Precautions

    Padu is Live: Possibilities and Precautions

    In the current era, data has transformed into an invaluable commodity. Its applications span from conventional marketing to propagandist endeavors, making it a vital asset in sectors like commerce, technology, healthcare, and politics. Politics, in particular, has become a significant domain for data utilization. Consequently, the collection of data by governments is raising concerns akin to those associated with corporate data collection. The global trend of governments amassing data has sparked apprehensions regarding privacy and cybersecurity, and Malaysia’s Padu, the central database, is garnering attention from watch dogs.

    Recently launched in Putrajaya, Padu, the Central Database Hub, has multifaceted objectives. During the unveiling, Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim underscored Padu’s pivotal role in efficiently targeting government subsidies. He emphasized that by excluding foreigners and the affluent from specific subsidies, the Malaysian government could potentially save billions. The targeted approach, scheduled to commence in 2024, seeks to mitigate the impact of widespread subsidies on government finances. Beyond merely streamlining subsidy distribution, Padu addresses leaks in government assistance, aligning with Malaysia’s overarching digital transformation strategy. The Prime Minister stressed the crucial role of Padu in optimizing the structure of subsidy distribution to ensure that deserving citizens receive government aid.

    As an integrated socio-economic database, Padu consolidates information from diverse government departments, creating a comprehensive, near real-time national database. This facilitates precise data analytics, aids in policy formulation, and supports data-driven decision-making processes. The primary objective is said to provide an equitable representation of the socio-economic status of each household in Malaysia.

    Anwar expressed appreciation for civil servants who developed Padu without relying on international consultants, acknowledging their skills and expertise. He announced the accelerated implementation of a new salary scheme for civil servants, praising their performance. The Padu initiative signifies a significant stride towards efficient governance, utilizing data for targeted assistance, all while addressing concerns related to privacy and cybersecurity.

    Acknowledging concerns regarding cybersecurity, Mr. Rafizi, economic minister  emphasized that PADU has implemented various measures to safeguard data. These measures encompass the establishment of comprehensive standard operating procedures (SOPs) and strategic collaborations with entities such as the National Cyber Security Agency (NACSA), the Office of the Chief Government Security Officer (CGSO), CyberSecurity Malaysia, and the Department of Personal Data Protection (PDP). Mr. Rafizi further explained that an independent group of experts, versed in diverse fields, has been appointed to ensure that PADU’s development incorporates the latest and most robust safety features.

    But things are not easy, as the minister says, Malaysia witnessed several attempts of data breaches on government agencies last year, prompting heightened concerns. On December 8, 2023, the social security organization (SOCSO) confirmed a cyber attack on its systems, databases, and websites. In response to these incidents, former DAP MP Ong Kian Ming has urged the government to suspend user registrations for the Central Database Hub, or Padu, until security concerns are adequately addressed.

    Ong suggested a collective decision by the Cabinet to suspend registrations until security issues are resolved and stressed the importance of thorough stress testing before reintroducing the system. He expressed concerns about potential identity theft, claiming that those who did not register with Padu could have their identity cards and postcodes used by others for registration.

    Economy Minister Rafizi Ramli refuted Ong’s claims, stating that the e-KYC process for Padu requires users to upload a selfie along with a picture of their identity card, and the approval process takes less than five minutes. Rafizi assured the public that cases of identity theft resulting from Padu registration would be in the “minority,” emphasizing the team’s comprehensive consideration of data security and user experience.

    In response, Ong criticized the extensive details needed for Padu registration, suggesting that much of the required information should already be available through ministries and government agencies. He expressed concern that the additional fields might lead users to skip or provide inaccurate information to remain eligible for government subsidies. Ong urged swift rectification of Padu’s flaws to prevent them from becoming a point of political debate in the next parliamentary session.

    Malaysia stands at the threshold of a remarkable opportunity, a sweeping initiative by the government unfolding through Padu, a profound gesture to its citizens. Amidst the air of optimism enveloping this venture, experts maintain a delicate balance, expressing confidence in data security even as concerns linger about the potential misuse of the comprehensive citizen details held within the digital vault.

  • Laos as ASEAN Chair: Challenges and Opportunities

    Laos as ASEAN Chair: Challenges and Opportunities

    As Laos, a landlocked nation facing economic and political challenges, gears up to take on the ASEAN chairmanship for the third time in 2024, there are growing concerns among diplomats and observers. Being a petite communist state contending with macroeconomic instability, questions arise about Laos’ capability to lead the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) effectively. These concerns intensify amid a backdrop of complex challenges, including the Myanmar conflict, escalating tensions in the South China Sea, and the heightened rivalry between the United States and China.

    Throughout history, Laos has used ASEAN as a crucial platform to amplify its interests. Consequently, Laos is keen on continuing the ASEAN-Indo-Pacific Forum initiated by Indonesia. This forum aims to boost cooperation and investment between ASEAN member-states and their Indo-Pacific partners, providing Laos with an opportunity to convey its priorities to a broader regional audience.

    A potential hurdle lies in whether Laos can articulate a perspective on the expansive and global concept of the Indo-Pacific, given its conservative foreign policy stance and the absence of a dedicated Indo-Pacific strategy. As the spotlight intensifies during Laos’ ASEAN chairmanship, observers await to see if this scrutiny will prompt Laos to depart from its current diplomatic norms.

    Bound by a treaty alliance with Vietnam, Laos generally aligns with Vietnam’s international stance on various issues but retains independence on matters crucial to its interests. In turn, Vietnam approaches its relationship with Laos with caution, recognizing it as a crucial ally, especially due to its strategic location along much of Vietnam’s vulnerable western border and neighboring China. Consequently, while Laos echoes Vietnam’s position on global issues such as Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, it adopts a more nuanced stance on the South China Sea. It avoids taking sides and strives to strike a delicate balance between Vietnam and China, considering its institutional and economic fragility and the unnecessary risks posed by definitive stances on contentious matters.

    As the ASEAN chair, it becomes apparent that Laos may not necessarily resolve the South China Sea issues, but rather play a role in providing neutral ground and maintaining a delicate equilibrium between conflicting interests.

    Since 2016, China’s influence over Laos has experienced significant growth, primarily due to major infrastructure projects like the Kunming-Vientiane railway, leading to Laos being deeply indebted to Chinese state banks. Notably, Laos has even ceded a stake in its national power grid to China. While Laos strives to maintain stable relations with China, Vietnam, and the U.S., the extensive influence of the Chinese economy poses a substantial constraint on its ability to balance these relations. Moreover, the forthcoming U.S. and Indonesia presidential elections may shift their focus, potentially easing pressure on Laos regarding urgent issues but possibly at the expense of Myanmar’s resistance interests and diplomatic progress on South China Sea disputes.

    A crucial question emerges about how Laos will navigate the Myanmar crisis, an unprecedented challenge in its previous tenures as the ASEAN chair. The crisis, which has strained even Indonesia, the most capable and invested member state, is expected to persist throughout Laos’ chairmanship in 2024. Expectations include a level of awkwardness, especially when Laos is urged to engage in dialogue with ethnic resistance fighters in Myanmar—entities akin to the Hmong insurgents and rebels that Laos worked to suppress within its borders for decades. The trajectory of the Myanmar crisis within ASEAN next year remains uncertain under a government whose relations with Myanmar are shrouded in obscurity.

  • Beyond Chaos: Myanmar’s Political Landscape in 2023

    Beyond Chaos: Myanmar’s Political Landscape in 2023

    Myanmar finds itself in a persistent predicament, entangled in the ongoing turmoil of the Myanmar civil war amidst the nation’s enduring insurgencies. These insurgencies gained momentum as a direct response to the 2021 military coup d’état and the subsequent harsh suppression of anti-coup protests.

    On February 1st, marking the second anniversary of the 2021 military coup d’état, the military chose to extend the country’s state of emergency for an additional six months. Predictably, on July 31st, Acting President Myint Swe announced a further six-month extension, citing the ongoing absence of normalcy in the country’s situation.

    Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nobel Prize laureate and a prominent figure in Myanmar, known for her roles as the State Counsellor of Myanmar and Minister of Foreign Affairs from 2016 to 2021, remains incarcerated. And also, the ruling military junta took a drastic step by dissolving the National League for Democracy, the political party led by Aung San Suu Kyi.

    On April 11, the Burmese junta carried out an airstrike in the village of Pazigyi (Kanbalu Township) in Sagaing region, resulting in the tragic loss of at least 100 lives. This marks the third major civilian attack since the junta’s offensive in Sagaing commenced in February and stands as the deadliest assault since the junta seized power in 2021.

    Three ethnic armed organisations—the Arakan Army, Ta’ang National Liberation Army, and Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army—launch simultaneous attacks named “Operation 1027” on October 27 on various military bases and towns in northeastern Myanmar. Lashio airport is shut down, a bridge is destroyed, and civilian casualties occur due to the military bombardment. On November 1, the Three Brotherhood Alliance intensified its assaults on junta outposts in northern Shan State as part of “Operation 1027.” By November 6, the Alliance captured Kawlin in Sagaing Region, making it the first district capital to fall to opposition forces, with reports of numerous casualties among soldiers and police officers.

    The volatile situation along the Myanmar border is drawing the attention of powerful neighbors China and India. The Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs urges Myanmar’s State Administration Council to collaborate with Chinese officials in safeguarding Chinese border villages. Meanwhile, on the Indian side, 39 Myanmar Army soldiers who abandoned their positions and fled into Mizoram are deported. The United Nations expresses concern about the heavy fighting in Shan State, highlighting the displacement of over 30,000 people.

    In a tragic incident, a Myanmar Air Force airplane bombs a school in Chin State, resulting in the heartbreaking loss of at least eight children. On December 13, as part of Operation 1027, Allied rebel forces declared the capture of the town of Maw Luu in Sagaing Region. The situation intensified on December 16 when the Three Brotherhood Alliance asserted the capture of Namhsan in northern Shan State, despite a temporary ceasefire mediated by China against the Myanmar military.

    Myanmar, grappling with the status of a failed state, faces escalating challenges. On December 12, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime revealed that Myanmar has surpassed Afghanistan as the world’s largest producer of opium. The nation’s ethnically diverse population stands on the brink of fragmentation, marked by increased violence, human rights abuses, and a bleak outlook. The struggle appears set to persist into 2024, with rebel groups making significant strides, amplifying the complexities facing Myanmar.

  • Navigating the Archipelago: Indonesia Politics Review in 2023

    Navigating the Archipelago: Indonesia Politics Review in 2023

    Indonesia is gearing up for a significant election set to take place early next year, with the major political events of 2023 serving as a preparatory phase for this upcoming electoral milestone. Scheduled for February 2024, the parliamentary and presidential elections in Indonesia will be held concurrently. The center-left PDI-P, currently holding the majority of seats in the legislative body, is anticipated to maintain its position as the largest party in the House of People’s Representatives.

    Public opinion polls consistently indicate that PDI-P is ahead of its closest competitors, Golkar and Gerindra, both of which espouse a more right-wing political stance. In Indonesia, the influence of political patronage networks tends to limit significant shifts in party support from one election to the next. However, it’s worth noting that preferences in presidential voting are less bound by party affiliations, introducing an additional layer of complexity to the political landscape.

    The Indonesian Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) has officially endorsed Anies Baswedan as a presidential candidate for the upcoming 2024 general elections. Subsequently, the Democratic Party followed suit by endorsing Anies Baswedan as a presidential nominee. The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle endorsed Ganjar Pranowo, the incumbent Central Java Governor, as a presidential hopeful for the 2024 general elections. In a parallel move, the People’s Conscience Party also pledged its support for Ganjar Pranowo as a presidential nominee for the 2024 elections. The United Development Party joined in by officially endorsing Ganjar Pranowo as a presidential nominee for the 2024 elections.

    On May 14, President Joko Widodo concluded the People’s Consultation (Musra) by finalizing the names of the presidential and vice-presidential candidates for the 2024 Presidential Election. August 13 witnessed the formation of a coalition between the Golkar, PAN, PKB parties, and the Gerindra Party, jointly declaring Prabowo Subianto as a presidential candidate in the 2024 election. Anies Baswedan from the Nasdem Party and National Awakening Party (PKB) General Chair Muhaimin Iskandar were officially declared as Presidential Candidates and Vice Presidential Candidates in the 2024 Election. Subsequently, there was the official announcement of Gibran Rakabuming as the vice-presidential candidate for Prabowo Subianto in the 2024 Presidential Elections. On November 14, the General Elections Commission drew serial numbers for the 2024 presidential candidates. Finally, on November 28, the 2024 Election Campaign Period commenced and is scheduled to last for 75 days until February 10, 2024.

    The situation in Papua remains tense. From January 7 to January 12, 2023, the separatist West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) conducted periodic attacks on Oksibil, the seat of Bintang Mountains Regency in Highland Papua. On February 7, Papuan rebels took a New Zealand national hostage in Nduga, demanding official recognition of Papua’s independence from Indonesia. On April 16, Papuan rebels reported the deaths of 9 Indonesian soldiers, claiming that the operation to rescue the New Zealand hostage in the Papuan jungles had been mishandled.

    Indonesia’s stance on the Israel-Palestine conflict continues to influence its political sphere. Indonesia expressed solidarity with Palestine, resulting in the cancellation of its hosting of the U-20 World Cup by FIFA. On November 5, the Defend Palestine Action was held in Central Jakarta to support Palestine during the 2023 Israel–Hamas war. Indonesia also sent a ship to Gaza in response to the escalating violence.

    Corruption remains a concern in Indonesian politics. The House of Representatives summoned incumbent coordinating minister Mahfud MD for questioning over allegations of money laundering amounting to more than 300 trillion rupiah within Indonesia’s Ministry of Finance. On May 17, the Minister of Communication and Information Technology, Johnny G. Plate, became a suspect in the Rp. 8 trillion Base Transceiver Station (BTS) 4G case.

    On November 7, the Honorary Council of the Constitutional Court dismissed Anwar Usman as Chief Justice for violating the Code of Ethics. Suhartoyo was elected as the new Chief Justice on November 9, replacing Anwar Usman, who is also the brother-in-law of President Joko Widodo. This decision followed a controversial ruling regarding the age limit for presidential and vice-presidential candidates.

    A significant development in Indonesia’s healthcare system occurred on August 8, 2023, with the implementation of the new Health Law (Law No.17 of 2023 on Health). Approved by the House of Representatives on July 11, 2023, during its 29th Plenary meeting, the law has monumental implications for the transformation of Indonesia’s healthcare system, despite facing challenges and objections from some medical practitioners.

    As the enchanting archipelago of Indonesia braces itself for the theatrical spectacle of the 2024 Indonesian presidential election, the stage is set for the fifth act of this democratic performance, where the nation seeks to anoint the next custodians of its destiny. Nestled among the vibrant tapestry of Asia, boasting the fourth-largest population and a surging economy, Indonesia stands at the crossroads, ready to cast its vote and chart a course forward.

    Against a backdrop of lingering challenges in Papua and the persistent shadow of a corrupted administration, the Indonesian people prepare to play their roles as the architects of their own future.