Category: Elections 2024

  • Indonesia Election: Opponents Of Prabowo Are Moving To Court

    Indonesia Election: Opponents Of Prabowo Are Moving To Court

    After a month-long process of tallying votes, Prabowo Subianto was officially declared the upcoming president of Indonesia. Prabowo, alongside his vice presidential candidate Gibran Rakabuming Raka, clinched a majority of votes on February 14th. According to the official results announced by General Elections Commission Chair Hasyim Asy’ari, Prabowo, a former special forces commander who garnered implicit support from the immensely popular incumbent President Joko Widodo, secured nearly 60% of the vote. Anies followed with 25%, trailed by former Central Java governor Ganjar Pranowo with 16%. Prabowo Subianto was already in celebratory spirits over his apparent victory, particularly after unofficial tallies indicated his lead in the presidential race.

    The election outcome was widely perceived as favoring Prabowo due to his ties to the influential ruling dynasty of Suharto, as well as his running mate, the son of the current president, Joko Widodo. The populist appeal of Widodo and the highly effective campaign of Prabowo were cited as justifications for the election result, leading international observers to refrain from criticisms of the election process.

    However, Anies Baswedan, the defeated presidential candidate and second-place finisher in the election, who garnered significant support from Islamist groups and a majority from Aceh and West Sumatra, has lodged a legal challenge at the constitutional court to dispute the election outcome. Anies, a former Jakarta governor and Minister of Education and Culture in the Joko Widodo administration, asserted that the aim of the case is to bolster democracy and address numerous flaws in the election process that necessitate correction.

    Anies emphasized the significance of both the electoral process and its results, stating, “Where there is a flawed process, there will be flawed results”. He drew attention to various issues in the election, advocating for their resolution to prevent future occurrences.

    Anies’s team raised concerns about the widespread distribution of social assistance, such as rice, fertilizer, and cash, in strategic electoral regions, which they alleged influenced voting patterns. However, Indonesia’s current administration dismissed these claims. Moreover, they criticized the constitutional court’s last-minute decision the previous year to amend election regulations, allowing the president’s son, Gibran Rakabuming Raka, to become Prabowo’s running mate. Notably, the chief justice of the court at that time was Widodo’s brother-in-law.

    The decision of the Constitutional Court previously ignited considerable controversy, especially given that the court’s chief justice at the time, Anwar Usman, had a marital relationship with Jokowi, the incumbent president. Usman was subsequently removed from his position as chief justice after an ethics council determined  that he had unlawfully altered election candidacy criteria, allegedly to benefit Widodo’s son. Despite allegations, Jokowi’s supporters have denied any involvement on his part in influencing the court’s verdict.

    In Indonesia, where political dynasties wield considerable influence, such occurrences are not uncommon. The legal team representing Anies Baswedan  urged the Constitutional Court to mandate a re-run of the election, excluding President Joko Widodo’s son from the vice presidential candidacy. They argued that his late inclusion unfairly influenced the outcome.

    Both losing factions, including Ganjar Pranowo’s third-place team, alleged widespread irregularities in the electoral process, with Ganjar’s team expected to initiate a legal challenge as well. Mahfud MD, Ganjar’s running mate, described the February 14 vote as the “Most Brutal” since Indonesia began conducting direct presidential elections two decades ago, attributing this to interference by state officials. Ganjar emphasized the necessity of the challenge to “Restore the credibility of our democracy”. According to regulations, legal challenges must be filed within three days of the announcement of results.

    While Prabowo remains confident and has chosen not to pursue legal action against the opposition, he expressed gratitude to his supporters, including Jokowi, following the announcement of results on Wednesday. He assured the nation of his commitment to lead all Indonesians. Prabowo’s team asserted their readiness to confront any legal challenges with a team of over 30 lawyers. The international community, including world leaders, accepted the outcome and extended congratulations to Prabowo. Chinese President Xi Jinping conveyed his congratulations on Thursday, as reported by Beijing’s state news agency Xinhua. US Secretary of State Antony Blinken also offered congratulations, commending the Indonesian people for their robust participation in the democratic process and their commitment to democracy and the rule of law.

  • Decline of Dalit Politics: How Grand Dalit Party,  BSP Became Irrelevant in Indian Politics

    Decline of Dalit Politics: How Grand Dalit Party,  BSP Became Irrelevant in Indian Politics

    Once celebrated as a potential alternative to the prevailing political powers of the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Indian National Congress (INC), the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) is now experiencing a notable downturn. The party has lost ground in the Indian political scene, despite having once boasted of having representatives in almost every state legislature, being courted by powerful politicians for alliances, and portraying itself as an advocate for underprivileged people.  Even as it briefly experienced a resurgence with the acquisition of 10 seats in the last Lok Sabha election, the BSP’s prominence has gradually diminished over the past decade. Recent reports reveal that all 10 members elected in the last Lok Sabha may be moving to other parties. Without forming alliances and struggling to make significant progress in electoral contests, BSP leaders are either aligning with alternative political factions or encountering challenges in leaving a lasting impact in the electoral arena. The rise and fall of the BSP, once heralded as a revolutionary force in Dalit politics and influential in shaping national and state-level politics, now dominates headlines as it faces an uncertain future.

    The Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), served as a political platform advocating for the rights and representation of Bahujans, a diverse coalition encompassing Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes (OBC), and religious minorities. Founded by Kanshi Ram in 1984, the BSP aimed to unify these marginalized communities, which collectively comprised 85 percent of India’s population but were fragmented across 6,000 different castes. The party draws inspiration from the ideologies of respected social reformers including B. R. Ambedkar, Mahatma Jyotiba Phule, Narayana Guru, Chhatrapati Shahuji Maharaj, and Gautama Buddha.

    Operating primarily within the state of Uttar Pradesh, the BSP got an election symbol of an elephant, a historical symbol  linked to Dr. Ambedkar’s Scheduled Castes Federation. Rising swiftly to prominence, the party secured representation in both the Legislative Assembly of Uttar Pradesh and the Lok Sabha. It formed governments in Uttar Pradesh, with Mayawati assuming the role of Chief Minister during the 1990s and 2000s.

    A significant turning point occurred in 2007 when the BSP achieved an absolute majority in the Uttar Pradesh state assembly elections, emerging as the sole majority party for the first time since 1991. Mayawati commenced her fourth term as Chief Minister, leading a government that completed a full five-year tenure, marking a historic milestone in Uttar Pradesh’s political landscape. The BSP’s ability to garner support from traditional upper-caste backers of the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) was instrumental in its electoral triumph.

    During that period, the BSP experienced its zenith, notably during the 2004 and 2009 general elections, where it secured approximately 20 Lok Sabha seats. It emerged as the nation’s third-largest political entity, with some leaders even touting Mayawati as a potential candidate for Prime Minister. The party’s influence transcended its stronghold in Uttar Pradesh, making significant strides and augmenting its voter base across various states, spanning from the northern regions like Jammu and Kashmir to the southern territories such as Karnataka. Moreover, the BSP garnered positions in the governments of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, and Karnataka.

    There was considerable speculation surrounding the future trajectory of Mayawati and the BSP, with many anticipating the party’s ascent beyond the 50-seats in the Lok Sabha, positioning itself as a formidable entity capable of single-handedly governing multiple states. However, as time progressed, circumstances shifted unfavorably, leading to a downturn in the party’s fortunes.

    Mayawati’s ascent to power was tainted by allegations of corruption, with numerous cases filed against her for financial mismanagement and misuse of public funds. Faced with the threat of arrest upon losing her position, she sought alliances with both the Congress and the BJP to evade imprisonment.

    Under her leadership, the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) drifted away from the founding principles laid down by Kanshi Ram. Instead of upholding the party’s original vision, Mayawati prioritized the interests of her own caste group. This shift led to widespread discontent among the public, as she favored her relatives and associates for key roles within the party, sidelining competent leaders from the Dalit community.

    Numerous promising leaders in Dalit politics parted ways with the BSP due to the favoritism shown towards Mayawati’s inner circle. This partiality resulted in disillusionment among party members and leaders across various states, compelling them to seek refuge in other political factions. The party’s decline was further aggravated when Mayawati appointed her nephew, Akash Anand, as her successor on December 10, 2023, undermining the party’s foundational principles.

    Leveraging the declining influence of the BSP, Prime Minister Modi tactically appealed to the Dalit vote bank by backing leaders like Ram Nath Kovind and Draupadi Murmu for the nation’s top positions, including the Presidency. This move resonated with Dalit and Adivasi communities, earning their endorsement for Modi and his Hindutva-centric agenda. Consequently, many Dalits now perceive a sense of security in aligning with Modi’s ideology. Nonetheless, critics warn that this transition may pave the way for a revival of India’s archaic slave caste system, which historically subjugated Dalits.

    As the upcoming general election featuring Narendra Modi, Rahul Gandhi, and Akhilesh Yadav intensifies, Mayawati’s nephew finds himself on the fringes of the political fray. Despite Mayawati’s pledge that her party will eschew alliances and contest independently, their previous success in securing 10 seats was largely reliant on an alliance with the Samajwadi Party. However, the BSP has grappled with retaining the loyalty of these 10 MPs, with many defecting to other parties due to a perceived lack of visible leadership.

    Accusations from the SP-INC alliance insinuate that the BSP’s reluctance to unite against Modi could fracture the anti-Modi vote in Uttar Pradesh. Yet, amidst the highly polarized political landscape of Uttar Pradesh, where the BJP and SP hold sway, the BSP finds itself marginalized, suffering losses in recent state assembly elections across various states. With no discernible strategy or a robust second-tier leadership in sight, the BSP seems poised for an inevitable decline.

    The anticipated downfall of the BSP is not only disheartening for the party itself but also signifies a setback for Dalit politics, with only a few major Dalit parties remaining. The downfall of the BSP will mark a significant setback for Indian democracy.

  • The Quest for Backward Votes: Why the 2024 Lok Sabha Election is Crucial for Samajwadi Party?

    The Quest for Backward Votes: Why the 2024 Lok Sabha Election is Crucial for Samajwadi Party?

    The Indian political scene is complex, marked by diverse Vote Banks formed around different castes. These groups wield significant influence in politics. However, Narendra Modi’s rise to power changed this dynamic by rallying broad support across diverse castes. Modi’s team skillfully constructed a formidable Hindu voting bloc, eclipsing the influence of caste-based politics.

    As Narendra Modi eyes a potential third term, the political landscape reveals a diminished presence of caste-based political parties. Traditional support bases, encompassing Dalits, other backward castes, and Muslims, which were once foundational for such parties, have gravitated towards Modi’s Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP). Despite this shift, pockets of opposition remain, with certain communities retaining their influence and posing a challenge to Modi’s stronghold. Among these contenders stands the Samajwadi Party (SP), under the leadership of the charismatic Akhilesh Yadav. Through adept mobilization of backward and Muslim voters and strategic alliance with the Indian National Congress, the SP aims to reassert its significance in national politics.

    The Samajwadi Party holds considerable influence in Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populous state with the highest number of parliamentary seats. Of the 543 Lok Sabha seats to be contested in the upcoming elections, Uttar Pradesh contributes a significant 80 seats, surpassing all other states; by comparison, Maharashtra, the next largest, has only 48 seats. Consequently, Uttar Pradesh plays a pivotal role in determining the majority mark of 272 seats. As numerous political analysts have pointed out, the electoral outcome in Uttar Pradesh often serves as a decisive factor in shaping the national government. This strategic importance led Narendra Modi to choose Uttar Pradesh as his battleground for the Lok Sabha elections instead of his native Gujarat. By emphasizing his backward caste identity, a significant force in Uttar Pradesh politics, Modi strategically aimed to resonate with voters in this crucial state.

    The Samajwadi Party swiftly finalized a seat-sharing arrangement with the Indian National Congress. Out of Uttar Pradesh’s 80 seats, the Samajwadi Party will contest 63, while the Indian National Congress will vie for 17. This early agreement allows for more effective groundwork and reduces the risk of splitting the OBC and Muslim voter bases. Despite the Indian National Congress facing some challenges, the alliance bolsters the Samajwadi Party’s standing in Uttar Pradesh. Together, they aim to launch campaigns asserting their ability to oust Modi and secure a central government.

    In the previous Lok Sabha elections, the Samajwadi Party joined with the Bahujan Samajwadi Party, but the alliance dissolved due to disagreements. Internal discord among party workers, who failed to fully implement the alliance’s strategies, resulted in a disappointing outcome, with the Samajwadi Party securing only 5 seats out of 80. Unlike the past alliance, cooperation between Samajwadi Party and INC workers appears smoother this time. However, the presence of other parties like BSP and AIMIM could potentially fragment the voter base, posing a challenge to the SP-INC alliance.

    The Samajwadi Party aims to shift the narrative away from calls for Hindu unity and the construction of the Ayodhya temple, focusing instead on anti-incumbency sentiments against both the central and state BJP governments. SP hopes amidst rising unemployment and price hikes, people prioritize basic needs over infrastructure development and temple construction which BJP projects. And Both Akhilesh Yadav, leader of the SP, and Rahul Gandhi, leader of the INC, are advocating for a caste census to reclaim caste-based votes that have shifted towards the BJP.

    Although many opinion polls also foresee the BJP winning over 60 seats, Indian voters are renowned for their tendency to change their opinions swiftly. Even if the BJP falls below the 50-seat mark, it would still be considered a victory for the SP-INC alliance. The SP maintains a substantial voter base and a formidable presence in Uttar Pradesh. In the recent 2022 state assembly elections, amidst the BJP’s dominance with 41% of the vote, the SP secured 33%. By teaming up with the INC and leveraging anti-BJP sentiments, the SP aims to increase both its vote share and seat count. Once a party that consistently produced around 20 MPs for Parliament, the Samajwadi Party continues to hold importance in Indian politics as the voice of other backward castes and Muslims.

    The Samajwadi Party emerged in 1992 when the Janata Dal fragmented into several regional parties. Founded by Mulayam Singh Yadav and Beni Prasad Verma, the party rose to power by championing secular politics, garnering support from other backward classes and Muslims, thus becoming a significant political entity in Uttar Pradesh. Notably, during the Babri Masjid demolition, the state government intervened by using helicopters to protect the mosque, demonstrating the party’s commitment to secularism. In the 2004 Lok Sabha elections, they secured 36 seats, extending their influence to other states such as Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra, where they had members in state assemblies, and maintaining a strong presence in Uttarakhand, Bihar, Haryana, and Rajasthan. However, their past successes have been overshadowed by the impact of Modi’s entry into National politics.

    It’s evident that under the leadership of Akhilesh Yadav, the Samajwadi Party will fiercely contest to secure more seats. While it’s unlikely they will replicate their success from the 2004 elections by winning a majority in Uttar Pradesh, even securing more than 10 seats amidst challenging circumstances will affirm their relevance in Indian politics. A setback for Modi in Uttar Pradesh could reignite caste-based politics, potentially influencing the outcome of the state election and paving the way for the resurgence of the Samajwadi Party. Hence, the BJP and INC are not only the contenders in this election; it holds significance for parties like the Samajwadi Party as well.

  • Thailand Election Body To Dissolve The Move Forward Party: Thailand Democracy Directs To “Backward”

    Thailand Election Body To Dissolve The Move Forward Party: Thailand Democracy Directs To “Backward”

    Thailand’s electoral regulatory authority is on the verge of dissolving the Move Forward Party, despite the party’s success in the recent general election, raising concerns about the country’s democracy. The Move Forward Party, recognized for its commitment to democracy, progressive center-left agenda, and initiatives to reduce military influence in Thai politics, appears to be facing retaliation from the staunchly loyal election authority. Despite securing the most seats in the House of Representatives with 151 seats and 36.23 percent of the vote in the 2023 general election, the party has been barred from assuming power.

    On Tuesday, the Election Commission announced that it had conducted a thorough investigation into the court’s ruling against the Move Forward Party, which found the party’s attempts to amend lese majeste laws is unconstitutional. Subsequently, the Commission decided to proceed with the dissolution of the party. The Move Forward Party is accused by the Election Commission of undermining the democratic system, which recognizes the monarchy as the head of state, supported by compelling evidence. Additionally, Pita, along with other leaders, has become entangled in multiple legal cases. 

    The dissolution of political entities opposing the lese majeste law and military control over administration is a recurring issue in Thai politics. The Move Forward Party vehemently opposes the lasting effects of the military dictatorship, which governed Thailand from 2014 to 2019. If the party is disbanded, its leaders will face a ten-year ban from engaging in politics.

    Parit Wacharasindhu, a spokesperson for Move Forward, stated that the party’s legal team would “try their best until the last second to prevent the party from being dissolved.” He emphasized that proving the party’s innocence would also help “establish a proper standard for Thai politics in the future.”

    Initially founded in 2014 as the Ruam Pattana Chart Thai Party, the Move Forward Party underwent several name changes. However, in 2020, it adopted its current name after emerging as the de facto successor to the dissolved Future Forward Party. In early 2020, following the dissolution of the Future Forward Party by a controversial Constitutional Court order, the Move Forward Party effectively took its place. Fifty-five of Future Forward’s 65 MPs, led by Pita Limjaroenrat, expressed their intention to join the Move Forward Party, pledging to uphold the progressive and anti-junta agenda of their former party. Subsequently, the party’s name was changed to Move Forward, accompanied by the introduction of a new logo resembling that of Future Forward. Now, facing a threat of dissolution once more, the Move Forward Party anticipates a more stringent response from the authorities, given their apparent intolerance towards any party capable of garnering public support and securing a majority of seats in public elections, despite efforts to manipulate the electoral process.

    The Move Forward Party’s campaign to repeal the lese majeste law reflects a long-standing desire among the people. Since the protests sparked by the denial of power to the Move Forward Party, over 260 individuals, including children, have faced prosecution under this law. Widely criticized by human rights organizations, the lese majeste law is seen as a tool to suppress dissent and wield political influence. Its broad interpretation allows cases to be filed by anyone. For instance, last year, a man received a reduced two-year sentence for selling satirical calendars featuring cartoon rubber ducks deemed defamatory to the king. Similarly, in 2022, an activist was sentenced to two years for wearing fancy dress deemed to mock the queen. Both are currently on bail while appealing their convictions. Notably, in January, a man was handed a 50-year prison sentence for criticizing the monarchy on Facebook – marking the longest sentence for such an offense, as reported by Thai Lawyers for Human Rights.

    The Move Forward Party has chosen not to openly criticize the monarchy or the prevailing political structure, fearing potential dissolution. Instead, the party has consistently opposed undemocratic practices. While refuting allegations of seeking to overthrow the current system led by the king, they advocate against the lese majeste law. Their aim is to prevent the monarchy from intervening in politics and to better reflect the public opinion. Conversely, conservatives staunchly resist any attempts to modify the law. Last year, military-appointed senators, empowered to appoint the next president, used Move Forward’s reform calls as a basis to block them from assuming office. 

    We can’t predict the verdict of constitutional approval of Banning the political party, but it’s clear, the banning of the Move forward Party and continuing cruel Lese Majesty law is definitely a shame for Thailand and Democracy.

  • India’s Electoral Marathon: Seven-Stage Voting Schedule Unveiled for World’s Largest Election

    India’s Electoral Marathon: Seven-Stage Voting Schedule Unveiled for World’s Largest Election

    In India, the calendar is a tapestry of vibrant celebrations, marking every conceivable milestone from birth to death and everything in between. Birthdays, weddings, the onset of menstruation, the 60th milestone, and the remembrance of loved ones lost—all are commemorated with gusto and tradition. With such a profusion of cultural festivities, it’s no surprise that India stands as the unrivaled global capital of festivals.

    Yet, amidst this cornucopia of celebrations, one event looms largest: the electoral process. Unlike elections elsewhere, where solemnity often prevails, Indian elections are a spectacle to behold—a riot of colors, flags fluttering in the breeze, the aroma of festive sweets, towering banners, crackling fireworks, and captivating campaign flyers. It’s a vibrant carnival, a testament to the nation’s democratic fervor.

    As India braces itself for the forthcoming Lok Sabha (House of Commons) elections slated to commence on April 19th, the nation is poised for nothing short of its grandest festival. The world’s largest election, an embodiment of democracy in action, unfolds against the backdrop of this cultural extravaganza, promising to captivate and inspire in equal measure.

    India prepares to choose a new parliament, engaging an unprecedented 970 million registered voters. The Indian Election Commission announced in a press conference on Saturday evening a meticulously planned electoral process, scheduled to unfold across seven phases from April 19th to June 1st, spanning a challenging 44-day period amid the scorching summer heat. Overseeing this massive undertaking will be a formidable workforce of 15 million polling officials and security personnel, tasked with ensuring the integrity of the process across more than a million polling stations, facilitated by 5.5 million electronic voting machines. Emphasizing inclusivity, electoral regulations mandate the establishment of a polling station within a two-kilometer radius of every residence, ensuring accessibility for all eligible voters.

    A significant demographic shift is evident in India’s upcoming elections, with 18 million first-time voters and a staggering 197 million young individuals aged between 20 and 29 eligible to exercise their voting rights. These voters play a crucial role in shaping the composition of the 543 seats in the Lok Sabha (lower house), where any party or coalition must secure a minimum of 272 seats to form a government. Anticipation mounts as the results are slated for announcement on June 4th.

    It’s worth noting that approximately 25% of the 543 parliamentary seats are constitutionally reserved for members from two disadvantaged communities—84 seats for Scheduled Castes, also known as Dalits, and 47 seats for Scheduled Tribes, or Adivasis.

    Despite recent parliamentary approval, the implementation of a new measure to reserve one-third of legislative seats for women has been postponed until after 2024. The Election Commission has also called for fair practices, emphasizing the exclusion of children from the electoral process, a practice witnessed in previous elections. With the looming threat of misinformation, the Election Commission has assured stringent measures to counter its spread, underscoring its commitment to safeguarding the integrity of the electoral process.

    In what promises to be a logistical feat, elections across as many as 22 states are scheduled to occur on a single day. However, states facing significant security challenges and boasting high populations, such as Jammu and Kashmir, West Bengal, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, and Maharashtra, will witness elections spread across multiple phases.

    In Uttar Pradesh, the most populous state, as well as in Bihar and West Bengal—regions fraught with security concerns and densely populated—the electoral process will span all phases, commencing on April 19th and continuing through April 26th, May 7th, 13th, 20th, 25th, culminating on June 1st.

    Opinion polls conducted by India’s largest media entities overwhelmingly favor the ruling BJP-led NDA alliance, yet the volatile nature of public sentiment underscores the unpredictability of elections until the moment voters step into the polling booth—an aspect ingrained in India’s electoral history. The populace is known for its sensitivity and emotional resonance with political issues, ensuring that political parties maintain an intense focus on sustaining momentum until the last vote is cast.

    With the official commencement of election procedures following the notification on March 16th, major political parties have begun unveiling their candidates across different constituencies. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, eyeing a third term, initiated campaigning early this year. The BJP-led alliance remains steadfast, buoyed by campaign slogans such as “Modi ki Guarantee” and “Ab ki Baar 400+,” which have permeated the media landscape, instilling a perception of Modi’s assured continuation in power—a sentiment reinforced by opinion polls.

    The opposition, led by the Congress-led alliance INDIA, finds itself somewhat staggered by the BJP’s strategic maneuvers. They lag behind in addressing pressing issues such as unemployment, while the BJP gains ground with a focus on Hindu identity and the enduring popularity of Prime Minister Modi. Despite the Congress forming an alliance under the banner of INDIA, they appear less organized and struggle to gain traction in their campaign efforts.

    With the first phase of polling already underway for nearly a month and the seventh phase still over two months away, there remains ample time for the opposition to regroup and assert their presence. Memories of the 2004 verdict, where the BJP was widely expected to retain power but faced a different outcome, serve as a reminder of the unpredictability of electoral politics.

    On June 4th, results from across the nation will be tallied simultaneously, a customary practice where outcomes are typically announced on the same day. The responsibility of collecting the votes of nearly 970 million individuals and selecting their leaders poses a significant challenge for the Indian Election Commission. Moreover, it will serve as a battleground for artificial intelligence, misinformation, and disinformation. With widespread technological familiarity among the populace, even if not all are proficient users, this election represents a substantial test for democracy and the influence of technology on democratic processes.

  • Russia’s Presidential Election: Putin is Ready for his “First Term”

    Russia’s Presidential Election: Putin is Ready for his “First Term”

    While influential opposition leaders are either being murdered, jailed, or barred, Russia is preparing for its upcoming presidential election in the coming weeks. Russian President Vladimir Putin, who has carefully crafted constitutional modifications to prolong his term in office, looks set to win his fifth election. As for the 2020 constitutional amendment, which essentially “Nullified” his prior tenure, he is officially running for another term, but the March 15–17 election will be his first under the new structure. Thanks to this clever political maneuvering, Putin is able to seize several openings, leaving his opponents with no choice but to surrender or risk certain death. The most recent victim was Alexei Navalny, who was barred from future participation in democratic elections in Russia. 

    In December, during a staged event in an opulently furnished Kremlin ballroom, Putin declared his candidacy while speaking with a separatist “Colonel” from the Donbas region of southeast Ukraine. He has four terms under his belt. In 2000, he won the presidency, and he was reelected in 2004, 2012, and 2018. Due to the constitution, he was not elected president during a brief tenure in between; instead, he served as prime minister and also “Super President”. As anticipated, he will serve a further six years if he prevails, as the term has been extended by constitutional revisions. His fifth term would begin with this. After that, he is eligible for a sixth term  in 2030. 

    Since Joseph Stalin, the Soviet leader, the 71-year-old former KGB spy has already led Russia for the longest period of time. Putin’s increasingly harsh handling of opponents, critics, and antiwar demonstrators has drawn comparisons to Stalin’s “Big Terror” operations. To those who support the Kremlin, however, Putin is seen as a political “Genius” who stopped Russia from collapsing, brought billionaire oligarchs under control, and defeated Chechen insurgents. In addition, Putin’s admirers refer to him as a “Gatherer of Russian Lands,” a dignified moniker bestowed upon Russian princes and czars, for his actions in the 2008 war against Georgia, the recognition of two breakaway Georgian statelets, the annexation of Crimea in 2014, and his intentions to annexe full of Ukraine. 

    Putin’s most vocal political rival, Alexey Navalny, passed away in an Arctic prison on February 16 in what his family, followers, and a large portion of the international community considered to be political murder. In the 2018 presidential election, which Putin won with about 78% of the vote, Navalny was not allowed to register. Further opposition activists, Ilya Yashin and Vladimir Kaza-Murza, have been sentenced to eight and a half years and twenty-five years in prison, respectively, for their criticism of Putin’s war in Ukraine. Numerous opposition activists, critics, and normal Russian citizens who shared or liked antiwar comments on the internet have also been charged with crimes in thousands of cases. Tens of thousands have been detained, fined, or expelled from the nation. Russian Democracy is defined here. 

    This is the first three-day voting in Russian history as opposed to the usual one-day one. Additionally, this marks the debut of internet voting for voters in 29 locations. In Russia, 112 million people who are at least 18 years old are able to cast votes. Voting will also take place in occupied Crimea and other parts of Ukraine, a move that Kiev and its Western supporters have denounced as illegal. Millions of Russian citizens residing overseas, from California in the United States to the southern Kazakhstan spaceport of Baikonur, which Russia leases, are also able to cast ballots via mail, consulates, or embassies.  The initial results are anticipated to be made public on March 19 and the final result on March 29. According to official estimates, the officially-expected turnout is almost as high as it was during the 2018 election, when about 68 percent of Russians cast ballots. 

    There’s hardly much optimism for a free and fair vote among those who follow Russian politics. Due to the widespread perception of the current United Russia party as corrupt and ineffective, Putin is contesting as an independent. It was referred to as the “Party of Crooks and Thieves” by late opposition leader Navalny. Other contenders are viewed as symbolic figures whose involvement serves mainly to demonstrate Putin’s “Popularity.” The Communist Party’s Nikolay Kharitonov is one among them. 

    Boris Borisovich Nadezhdin is an opposition politician who has openly condemned the war in Ukraine, said he will designate unbiased observers to supervise elections, and promised to keep appealing the rulings of the Supreme Court against him. But he’s not going to be able to run at all. Sometimes he will also in his final time.

    Nobody is expecting a different result from this election; Putin is viewed as a strong leader, and he is successful in portraying this image. Additionally, his admirers claim that the Russian Federation would fall apart and pandemonium will envelop the country in his absence. The Russian nationalists are therefore standing firm beside him. His drives for “Slavic Unity” and “Russia First”. However, many disbelieve the percentage of vote he gained in elections. The unnatural death of opponents increased screening of opposing candidates, videos of election employees making dubious actions in the booth, a lot of suspicious activity raised doubts in his win. Putin, however, will still receive more than 60% of the vote in the current scenario, and all of the leaders hail him as Russia’s savior. And he will continue to be the ruler. Russia presents new conceptions of democracy that any rulers craving power can embrace.

  • Will the Surge of Farmers Protests Impact Modi’s Hopes for a Third Term?

    Will the Surge of Farmers Protests Impact Modi’s Hopes for a Third Term?

    Over the past decade, only one protest against the Modi government has managed to both astonish and successfully secure the protesters’ demands. The farmers’ protests, a notable demonstration, resulted in the retraction of proposed reforms aimed at significantly altering India’s agricultural landscape. The BJP-led administration found itself caught off guard by the intensity of this protest, which included several months of blockades in the capital, New Delhi.

    In addition to the impactful 2020–21 farmers’ protest, there were various other demonstrations opposing issues such as the triple talaq prohibition bill and the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), which grants citizenship to Hindu refugees from Pakistan and Bangladesh. Wrestlers in India also expressed their dissent, particularly objecting to the BJP leader’s lack of charges in connection with allegations of rape and harassment of women wrestlers. But, they all failed.

    Even though Modi was able to overcome the farmers’ disapproval, some farmers are starting a new wave of protest against the central government with fresh demands. Is Modi’s political trajectory in India at risk from a group’s protest that mimics the 20–21 protests? 

    At the core of India’s economic structure lies the agricultural sector, serving as the linchpin that sustains not only the country’s 1.5 billion inhabitants but also reverberates globally. Ranging from expansive agricultural holdings owned by influential landholders to the smaller-scale operations of modest farmers, the spectrum is diverse. Despite this disparity, the Indian government is intricately entwined with the fate of its farmers and the agricultural industry. Long held in high esteem alongside the military in the Indian political landscape, farmers witnessed a shift in their standing with the advent of Modi, who redirected focus from agriculture to prioritize the business and service sectors. 

    The introduction of the farmers’ bill, intended to commercialize agriculture, faced vehement opposition from various quarters, including farmers, landlords, communists, and anti-Indian union groups. This collective resistance had a profound impact on Indian politics, compelling the government to backtrack on the proposed legislation.

    The protests that unfolded in 2020–21 were a concerted response to three proposed legislations aimed at relaxing regulations surrounding the pricing, storage, and sale of agricultural produce—regulations that had long served as a protective shield for farmers against the uncertainties of the free market. Farm unions vociferously warned that these measures could have disastrous consequences for the livelihoods of farmers, rendering them vulnerable to the influence of large corporations. Despite months of staunch insistence from the Modi administration that the reforms were in the farmers’ best interest, on November 19, 2021, Mr. Modi announced the repeal of the controversial legislation. Subsequently, the parliament swiftly approved the repealing bill.

    This turn of events was widely hailed as a victory for farmers, showcasing the potent impact of large-scale demonstrations in influencing governmental decisions. However, the triumph was short-lived, as the BJP strategically dismantled the farmer alliance by garnering support from various castes and creating divisions among the farmers along Hindu and Sikh lines. Political parties representing farmers in Punjab, Rajasthan, Haryana, and Uttar Pradesh also played a role in this fragmentation. The BJP effectively neutralized the possibility of a united mass demonstration akin to those witnessed in 2020–21 by abandoning legal reforms and opting for collaboration with the farming community instead.

    As we approach the 2024 general election, certain factions are resurfacing, yet their attempts to reach Delhi have been thwarted. In neighboring states, heavily armed troops have been deployed, even providing grenades and shells to prevent their advance. This development has cast a shadow of uncertainty over established political analyses. Observers recognize that politically motivated protests could emerge as a potent tool to impede Modi’s bid for a third term, especially given his recent electoral victories, a weakened opposition, and the inauguration of the Ayodhya Temple. With elections looming, protesters assert that they are applying pressure on the government to promptly address their concerns.

    While the government and BJP argue that their actions aim to sway public opinion, accusing certain factions of harboring separatist motives, such as the demand for a Sikh nation in Punjab, the protesters reject this narrative. Some BJP leaders have gone to the extent of labeling the demonstrators as terrorists. In this charged political climate, it’s noteworthy that Congress and every opposition party align themselves in support of the farmers.

    Allegations have surfaced that certain BJP members have joined forces to threaten or assault the protesters. Farmers contend that promises made by the government during the 2020–21 protests remain unfulfilled. Additionally, they have called for the government to forgive their debts and provide pensions. Farmers argue for consequences against counterfeit fertilizers, herbicides, and seeds, and urge the government to increase the maximum number of workdays under the rural job guarantee program to 200.

    Furthermore, the demonstrators demand that India renounce all free trade agreements and withdraw from the World Trade Organization (WTO). It is widely acknowledged that these demands may not be met during the period of the current government. Consequently, the BJP claims that this is a political theater orchestrated to discredit Modi.

    Until now, new waves of farmer’s protest have had minimal impact on the Indian public, especially when compared to previous instances. The diminished coverage of protests by the Indian media has contributed to this subdued response. Farmer’s groups and Political parties that represent Farmers like Rashtriya Lok Dal, despite expressing readiness to collaborate with the Modi-led alliance. Several parties had withdrawn their support for the administration in 2020–21 upon recognizing the pulse of ground in that time. However, the current political landscape appears different now. Modi has solidified support from farmer’s groups, successfully redirecting to other issues like Hindutva to captivate the Indian public’s focus. And doubts about the political motivations of these protesting farmer’s groups are now surfacing among the public.

    While Modi’s position may be secure, the methods employed to quell protesters, involving the use of shells, grenades, and drones, raise concerns about the state of democracy within the nation.

  • Iran Legislative Elections 2024: Polls Open for “Ceremonial” Election

    Iran Legislative Elections 2024: Polls Open for “Ceremonial” Election

    The Islamic Republic of Iran is now holding elections for the legislative assembly and the Assembly of Experts. Sixty-two million eligible voters are ready and willing to carry out their civic duties on Friday. Starting at 8:00 a.m. local time, the event is scheduled to last for ten hours. However, historical trends suggest that voting hours may be extended until midnight, just as they have in prior elections. 

    The candidates are obtained by passing through high refinement processes. There are a lot of criteria to contest in the election. Interestingly even though there are tight restrictions to contest, About 15,200 individuals are running for the 290 seats, which is unusual. Candidates face disqualification if found actively supporting the Shah, endorsing political parties or organizations considered illegal, facing charges related to anti-government activities, converting to another faith, renouncing the Islamic faith, being convicted of corruption, treason, fraud, bribery, involvement in drug-related activities, or violating Sharia law. Additionally, candidates are ineligible if they played a role in the pre-1979 government, possess significant land holdings, have a history of drug addiction, hold convictions for actions against the state, or have been charged with apostasy. These stringent criteria underscore the complex eligibility standards aimed at ensuring the suitability and alignment of candidates with the Islamic principles and the state’s interests.

    And Islamic Republic’s election is very interesting because of its lower turnouts. And this time there are a lot of reasons for the lower turnouts. People’s interest in this ceremonial election is very low, questioning even the essence of democracy. A low turnout, reflective of a populace disenchanted and losing hope. The aftermath of Iran’s severe crackdown on protesters, resulting in numerous casualties, injuries, arrests, and even death penalties, has cast a shadow over the political and social milieu. Consequently, the atmosphere has grown more repressive, fostering widespread dissatisfaction among the public. Millions of Iranians, according to many observers, have given up on the idea that the country’s governing mullahs can pull out of an economic catastrophe brought on by a confluence of corruption, incompetence, and U.S. sanctions. Many Iranians may stay at home due to popular outrage about declining living conditions and widespread corruption, even if establishment loyalists are expected to favor hardline candidates.In recent months, the cost of staples including bread, pork, rice, and dairy products has soared. About 40% is the official inflation rate. Over 50% is what analysts and insiders estimate. Since the presidential elections in 2021, the national currency has depreciated sharply against the dollar on the open market. Housing costs have risen, motorists’ fuel quotas have been reduced and prices for internet services increased. The economic pain, blamed by the ruling conservatives on the former administration, has earned the government criticism from all sides. And in the weird political landscape of Islamic Republic, people doesnt have another option, just vote to satisfy the authority’s watch dogs, or be brave and stay out of polling.

    Recent polls conducted by the state television channel indicate a projected national turnout of 41.5%, while a survey from Ispa, a semi-official polling agency, estimates a slightly lower turnout at 38.5%. The conservative establishment’s decision to exclude moderates and reformists from standing within the regime’s ranks during President Ebrahim Raisi’s 2021 election contributed to a turnout below 50%—a departure from the trend observed since the 1979 Islamic revolution.

    Critics, particularly reformists, characterize the elections as “meaningless, non-competitive, unfair, and ineffective in the administration of the country.” This sentiment underscores the prevailing disillusionment with the current state of Iran’s governance. The Twitter hashtags #VOTENoVote are being actively disseminated on social media by Iranian activists and opposition groups, who contend that a high voter turnout will validate the Islamic Republic. Hardliners and subdued conservatives who all pledge allegiance to Iran’s Islamic revolutionary ideals will face off in Friday’s poll, which has been boycotted by mainstream moderates and conservatives and dubbed an “unfree and unfair election” by reformists.   On the international front, U.S. spokesperson Matthew Miller underscored that a significant portion of Iranians harbors no expectation of a free and fair electoral process. He further highlighted the long-standing perception of Iran’s political system as featuring undemocratic, non-transparent administrative, judicial, and electoral systems. The global awareness of these systemic issues amplifies the stakes of the ongoing elections, casting a critical spotlight on Iran’s political trajectory and the public’s perception of its leadership.

    In this occasion call for boycotts , The Supreme Leader of Iran, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who has been in power for more than 30 years, urged Iranians to cast ballots on Thursday. He claimed that abstaining from voting “would not solve anything”. State media broadcast numerous election specials and launched new channels to feature candidates in an effort to boost voter turnout and excitement in the lead-up to the polls. State media broadcast numerous election specials and launched new channels to feature candidates in an effort to boost voter turnout and excitement in the lead-up to the polls. Though a state-affiliated polling firm is predicting a 41% turnout for the parliamentary elections. 

    In the current electoral proceedings, the landscape is such that the outcomes may not instigate any substantive alterations within the nation, nor do they appear poised to address consequential political ramifications. Despite this, the election holds a heightened degree of fascination, primarily due to its potential role in determining the successor to Khomeni. This figure, vested with the comprehensive authority to shape policies and function as the country’s commander in chief, presides over a nation characterized by a volatile stance towards its neighbors and the United States.

    It is noteworthy that the Parliament, in the broader context, wields limited influence over foreign policy and Iran’s nuclear agenda. The prevailing sentiment is one of disinterest and non-participation, characterizing this electoral episode as yet another Asian drama that seems to mock the essence of democracy. Perhaps, this lukewarm response can be interpreted as a reflection of people’s resentment towards the challenges of life, the formidable economic situation, and the widespread protests that ensued following the tragic demise of Mahsa Amini. Just another electoral act for the sake of an election, nothing more.

  • What Will the New Government in Pakistan Mean for the Neighbors?

    What Will the New Government in Pakistan Mean for the Neighbors?

    After the widely rigged recent national election, Pakistan is set to form a new government. Caretaker prime minister, Shehbaz Sharif is well-positioned to return to the prime minister’s office by the partnership developed between the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) and Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N). They underscored having secured the requisite majority to establish a coalition government. The inaugural session of the National Assembly, expected at the end of February or in early March, is poised to witness the taking of Shehbaz Sharif as the new prime minister, representing the cohesive front of the PML-N. The inception of this new government is accompanied by a myriad of internal and external challenges. Anticipated public anger over mandate rigging may intensify and extend. The state is currently confronting economic challenges, with citizens contending with poverty and a deepening hunger crisis. In the midst of these hardships, public confidence in the system is diminishing.

    Will this transition affect any change in Pakistan’s volatile relationship with neighbors? Sadly No. More than the Pakistan Government, Pakistan Military is crafting foreign policy. As some political experts said before, for every state there will be an army. But in the case of Pakistan, the army owns that state. Yes, the Pakistan Military is still a powerful authority in that country. And they need peace? Never!!

    Whenever Pakistan grapples with internal obstacles, a recurrent pattern appears: a highly powerful military seizes power and pushes out any remaining democratic elements. The historical precedent of this occurred last time in 1999 when Pervez Musharraf orchestrated a military coup to overthrow the government led by Nawaz Sharif. This move was spurred by tensions with India, culminating in a war that Pakistan lost in the same year. Notably, this conflict, which was not necessarily desired by either the Pakistani or Indian government, was perceived as aligning with the preferences of the powerful Pakistan military.

    The dominance of the Pakistan military is visible even it democratic governments, they drive Pakistan’s external affairs. The Pakistan army is considered as one of the fiercest,  and they hold a large arsenal including nuclear weapons. So countries are often connecting with the Pakistan military instead of governments. The United States, intricately linked with the Pakistani army, has consistently endorsed the military’s expanding autonomy, often diverting authority from elected governments. Despite the state being officially an “Islamic republic,” the Pakistan Military’s proximity to both the USA and the UK suggests a closer alignment with Western interests. This alignment gains particular significance in light of the substantial debt owed to China. Faced with an overwhelming debt burden, Pakistan is compelled to open its markets and economy to China while simultaneously maintaining the military in alignment with U.S. interests. This dynamic played a role in Imran Khan’s removal from office as he leaned towards China over the U.S. 

    India, Pakistan’s largest neighbor, is viewed as a dangerous enemy.  The existence of Pakistan and the people’s loyalty to the military often hinge on the animosity towards India. During periods of internal turmoil, conflicts with India are used to rally the nation. The Kashmir issue is still fuming. And India’s current leadership under Modi has a strong stance in the case of Kashmir and they continuously cite the annexation of Pak occupied Kashmir to their side of Kashmir. And Pakistan uses separatism, Muslim extremist in India, to counter the growth of India. And the Military need to continue their strategy that will lead to further tensions. And in any case Pakistan military wants to topple Sharif government, they will choose a conflict with India.

    Iran, another neighbor of Pakistan who is ready to fight with the United States, engaged in air strikes within Pakistan’s borders last year. Although Pakistan retaliated, bringing an end to the immediate violence, the relationship remains strained. The longstanding issue of Balochistan, akin to the Kashmir problem with India, adds complexity. India and Iran appear to be close allies, making it imperative for the new government in Pakistan to prioritize peace with Iran while maintaining popular anti-India sentiments.

    The historical connections between the Taliban’s emirate in Afghanistan are facing a decline. The Taliban maintains strong affiliations with Islamic groups in Pakistan, particularly within the ethnic Pashtun community. Recently, this association has evolved into a potential threat to Pakistan’s stability. Certain factions within Pakistan advocate for the autonomy of Pashtun-majority regions, urging immediate intervention from the Pakistani military. In the years ahead, this particular region of Pakistan is poised to become the most precarious. Given historical precedents, there is a likelihood that various militia groups may challenge Pakistan’s authority in the area, even if a Taliban-led Afghanistan refrains from overt opposition due to their official ties.

    In Pakistan’s political arena, the military’s hegemony frequently obscures democracy. And this is the ongoing story. It’s clear, The Pakistan military operates as a distinct entity from the government and they shape foreign policies. Consequently, there is expected to be minimal change in Pakistan’s foreign policies in the coming years.  Nonetheless, enduring geopolitical hurdles pose challenges in fostering constructive relationships with neighboring nations. Issues such as radical Islam, the increasing influence of India, and the deterioration of Iran and the US relationships, may necessitate a shift in foreign policy. It is evident that Pakistan is navigating through turbulent times, raising concerns for the broader region.

  • Cambodia Readies for Senate Election: Hun Sen Assumes New Role

    Cambodia Readies for Senate Election: Hun Sen Assumes New Role

    The impending Senate election in Cambodia appears to be a mere formality, with the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) poised to secure the majority of seats. The anticipation is that former Prime Minister Hun Sen, who ceded power to his son last year after a nearly four-decade-long tenure, will seek a Senate seat and subsequently assume the presidency of the body. Hun Sen has declared his candidacy in Kandal province, where he has held a National Assembly seat since 1993, signaling a potential change in leadership as the current president, Say Chhum, prepares for retirement.

    The political landscape of Cambodia operates within the confines of a constitutional monarchy, where the king assumes the role of the head of state, and the prime minister serves as the head of government. Legislative power resides in a bicameral legislature consisting of the National Assembly, responsible for voting on draft laws, and the Senate, which holds the power of review. After approval by both chambers, draft laws are presented to the monarch for signing and promulgation.

    The current constitution, which was enacted in 1993 in the wake of the 1991 Paris Peace Agreements and the elections that followed, which were aided by the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia, defines Cambodia as a “independent, sovereign, peaceful, permanently neutral, and non-aligned country.” Concerns were raised by the lack of foreign observers during the national election in 2023 and the communal election in 2022. This helped to create the impression that the administration was dictatorial and had stifled opposing voices by dissolving political parties.

    In the July 2023 elections, the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) secured a decisive victory in a flawed election, marked by the disqualification of a significant opposition force, the Candlelight Party. On August 22, 2023, Hun Manet, son of Hun Sen, assumed the role of the new Cambodian prime minister. This scenario, though labeled as ‘democracy’ by Southeast Asian politicians, underscores the challenges and complexities within the political landscape.

    Upcoming election on February 25th is for the Senate. The legislative upper chamber in Cambodia goes by the name of the Senate, with a total of sixty-one members. Among them, two are designated by the king, an additional two are chosen by the lower house of the government, while the remaining fifty-seven undergo popular elections by electors from provincial and local governments—a system reminiscent of the Senate in France. Members of this chamber serve terms lasting six years.

    Cambodia’s Senate elections unfold within notably constrained parameters, even within the local context. The electorate is limited to National Assembly lawmakers and members of the 1,652 commune councils, a mere 11,747 individuals. Consequently, the election outcomes merely reflect the dominance of the CPP in these bodies. Of the 62 Senate positions, 58 are determined by these groups, with the King appointing two senators and the National Assembly electing two more. In the previous national election, the CPP secured an overwhelming victory, claiming 120 out of 125 seats in the National Assembly. The commune council elections in 2022 further solidified their control, capturing 74.3 percent of the vote, securing 1,648 out of 1,652 commune chief positions, and 9,376 out of 11,622 available commune council seats. While the Candlelight Party managed to win 2,198 commune council positions, its impact on the Senate election remains limited. The anticipated appointment of Hun Sen as Senate president on Sunday is widely perceived as a predetermined result.

    The role of the Senate president is largely ceremonial, stemming from power-sharing negotiations after the 1998 election. Created not out of legislative necessity, but as a means to establish a new power base for the late president of the CPP, Chea Sim, after he relinquished his position as National Assembly president. While the Senate theoretically holds the power to review and propose changes to laws passed by the National Assembly, it has seldom exercised this function, often simply approving legislation from the lower chamber. So, The Senate presidency will just add to the array of honorary positions held by the 71-year-old Hun Sen in the twilight of his career. These include the presidency of the CPP and the presidency of the Supreme Privy Council to the King, a position deemed to have “equal rank” to that of the prime minister

    Despite the largely ceremonial nature of the Senate presidency, it holds one significant power – the authority to act as the interim head of state when the King is absent. While the likelihood of any potential challenger utilizing this role to undermine Prime Minister Hun Manet, who assumed office in August, is low, Hun Sen’s occupancy of the Senate presidency serves as a precautionary measure. Although last year’s power transition to Manet unfolded smoothly, the prospect of internal challenges within the existing power structure always looms. By assuming this position, Hun Sen strategically fortifies his son’s position and preempts any potential threats to his control over the legislature. This week, Hun Sen’s youngest son, Hun Many, was appointed as a deputy prime minister, solidifying the family’s presence in key positions across the administration and ensuring their continued influence over Cambodia well beyond Hun Sen’s lifetime.

    As the Senate Election campaign concludes, participating political parties now pivot their attention towards the imminent election and the ensuing vote counting slated for this weekend on Sunday. Hang Puthea, the spokesperson for the National Election Committee, has reassured the public of the seamless progression of the campaign unfolding between February 10 and 23. Registered political parties actively engaged in campaigning, nominated candidates, and, despite the overarching uncertainties regarding governmental responsibilities, the process has been characterized as running smoothly. This has provided eligible parties with ample opportunities to actively participate and present their cases to the electorate.

    Yet, the entire democracy in Cambodia can be viewed as comedy. Countries like Cambodia have turned the democratic process into a farcical performance, and the upcoming Senate election appears to be just another episode in this narrative. The dynastic grip on power ensures that the nation remains a mere pawn in the hands of a ruling family, sharing the stage with the royals, making a mockery of the democratic principles at play.