Tag: Afghanistan

  • With Ties to Afghanistan Fraying, Pakistan Escalates Crackdown on Refugees

    With Ties to Afghanistan Fraying, Pakistan Escalates Crackdown on Refugees

    The relationship between Pakistan, an Islamic republic, and Afghanistan, an Islamic emirate, is deteriorating, particularly as Kabul strengthens its ties with India—Islamabad’s longtime adversary. However, India is only one of Pakistan’s growing concerns. Rising tensions with Afghanistan are compounded by broader security fears, including the large number of Afghan refugees and growing unease over its own Pashtun population, who share deep ethnic and cultural ties with Afghans.

    Islamabad fears that the Baloch nationalist movement could trigger unrest in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, a Pashtun-majority region where resentment toward increasing Punjabi dominance in the government is already evident. If Islamist movements in the region gain momentum, factions within Khyber Pakhtunkhwa could align with Afghanistan, posing a serious threat to Pakistan’s territorial integrity. Authorities also worry that Afghan refugees in the country, many living in poor conditions, could be easily exploited by these factions.

    As tensions between the two countries escalate, Pakistan has intensified its deportation of Afghan refugees, many of whom originally sought asylum during the U.S.-Taliban conflict. Thousands are being forced across the border in what Islamabad claims is a security measure. However, this crackdown has triggered a severe humanitarian crisis. While some deportees may be vulnerable to recruitment by the Taliban or other Islamist groups, many had fled Afghanistan to escape Taliban persecution due to their associations with the U.S. or the former Western-backed Afghan government. Their forced return now places them at grave risk of retribution, including trials and executions under the Taliban’s strict interpretation of Islamic law.

    Refugees whose life under threat 

    In 2023, Pakistan launched a large-scale effort to repatriate nearly four million Afghans who had entered the country over the past four decades. While authorities initially allowed some flexibility, the government has now set a firm deadline of March 31 to expel all undocumented foreign nationals, with search operations intensifying since January.

    Since the beginning of the year, authorities have detained over 1,000 Afghans in Islamabad and forced more than 18,000 to leave the capital and its neighboring city under government orders. Among them are individuals who worked with the U.S. against the Taliban, some of whom were awaiting evacuation to America. Their relocation was halted after former President Donald Trump issued an executive order suspending the refugee resettlement program.

    Today, nearly 20,000 Afghans in Pakistan remain in limbo, waiting for U.S. approval to resettle. For many, returning to Afghanistan is a life-threatening prospect. Forcibly sending them back is akin to sentencing some to death.

    The Politics Behind Refugee Expulsions

    A stronger alliance between India and Afghanistan could further escalate Pakistan’s already deteriorating political climate. Beyond the risk of instability in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Islamabad fears that anti-government factions could gain support from the Taliban to establish an Islamic emirate—one that is even more hardline than Pakistan’s Islamic republic and does not recognize its current leadership as truly Islamic. Additionally, Pakistan has long been a hub for militant training, attracting jihadists from around the world. Many of these fighters, Islamabad worries, could easily be mobilized by Afghanistan as well.

    Pakistan holds the Taliban-led government responsible for failing to rein in the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), a militant group that has repeatedly targeted Pakistani security forces since its formation in 2007. 

    As cross-border tensions escalate, reports of intimidation and mass arrests of Afghan refugees in Pakistan have drawn international criticism. The UN special rapporteur has urged Islamabad to treat Afghan nationals more humanely, while Pakistan has dismissed allegations of mistreatment as “misplaced,” calling on Kabul to facilitate their repatriation. For many Afghans, this forced exodus is not only a humanitarian crisis but also a source of humiliation—one that Afghanistan could exploit in its anti-Pakistan rhetoric.

    For decades, Pakistan, established as a homeland for Muslims in the Indian subcontinent, took pride in its Islamic identity, offering refuge to Afghan migrants and supporting groups working to shape Afghanistan’s Islamic trajectory, including the Taliban. That era is over. Confronted with political backlash and economic hardship, Pakistan has shifted from providing sanctuary to enforcing mass expulsions, prioritizing national survival over Islamic solidarity.

    Broader Implications 

    Both Pakistan and Afghanistan are struggling states, plagued by instability and deep economic crises, worsened by a lack of foreign investment that leaves little hope for recovery. Yet, despite Pakistan’s low ranking on the Human Development Index and weak GDP per capita, it still offers better living conditions than Afghanistan. For many Afghans, staying in Pakistan is a desperate choice—sometimes the lesser of two evils.

    However, Pakistan can no longer afford to bear this burden, either economically or politically. Its decision to forcibly expel Afghan refugees may relieve short-term pressures, but it risks igniting deeper unrest. The move could fuel domestic resistance against the government while creating opportunities for Afghanistan to exploit Pakistan’s growing instability. Caught in the middle are ordinary people—forced to suffer as politics dictate their fate.

  • Uneasy Allies: The Quiet Growth of India’s Ties with Taliban-Controlled Afghanistan

    Uneasy Allies: The Quiet Growth of India’s Ties with Taliban-Controlled Afghanistan

    Afghanistan has always been immensely important to Indian rulers, serving as a gateway to the Persian-Turkic world. After gaining independence in 1947, India recognized Afghanistan’s strategic value as a counterweight to Pakistan’s hostility. India invested heavily in Afghanistan’s development and actively participated in its social, economic, and cultural spheres. During Afghanistan’s short-lived democratic period, following the United States overthrow of the first Taliban emirate, India and Afghanistan forged their strongest ties, with Indian investments and relations reaching unprecedented heights.

    However, the Taliban, an Islamic extremist organization, has consistently opposed India and its involvement in Afghanistan. When the Taliban first seized control in 1996 and established the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan with support from Pakistan and the United States, they pushed India to the margins. Their rigid Islamic ideology, including calls for the Islamization of India, directly threatened Indian interests too. The Taliban’s return to power in 2021 raised immediate concerns about India’s diminishing influence in Afghanistan, jeopardizing its strategic presence in the region.

    Though In recent years, a significant shift has unfolded. The current Taliban leadership has grown increasingly at odds with its longtime ally, Pakistan, leading to escalating tensions that risk boiling over into open conflict. This rift presents an unexpected opportunity for India, under a Hindu nationalist government, to pursue strategic engagement with the Taliban despite the stark ideological differences. What once seemed an improbable partnership has begun to take shape, with recent developments pointing to a surprising and growing rapprochement between India and the Taliban.

    As much of the international community maintains its distance from the Taliban’s repressive rule, India has quietly intensified its outreach. On Wednesday, in Dubai, Indian Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri sat down with Amir Khan Muttaqi, the Taliban’s acting foreign minister, marking the highest-level official meeting between India and the Taliban since the latter’s takeover of Kabul in August 2021.

    The discussions, as outlined by Afghanistan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, touched upon a range of pressing issues: the evolving security situation within Afghanistan, India’s role in supporting humanitarian efforts and development initiatives, and the use of Iran’s Chabahar Port to open trade routes to the beleaguered nation. The Taliban’s statement, framed within the context of what it termed a “Balanced” foreign policy focused on economic priorities, pointed to its aim of deepening political and economic ties with India—an acknowledgment of India’s growing importance as both a regional and economic player in this complicated geopolitical landscape.

    India has also expressed its support for the burgeoning relationship. After the meeting, India’s Foreign Office stated that in response to a request from the Afghan side, India would provide additional material assistance, initially focusing on the health sector and refugee rehabilitation. The two sides also discussed strengthening cooperation in sports, particularly in cricket.

    The Taliban, for its part, is in desperate need of financial support. The United States has fully disengaged from Afghanistan, the Gulf countries have limited capacity without U.S. backing, and Russia is now weak, leaving China and India as the primary players. Afghanistan, rich in minerals and strategically located, makes it a target for both countries. India, driven by its desire to not only challenge Pakistan but also compete with China, seeks to reassert itself in a key regional theater.

    The recent meeting between India’s Foreign Secretary and Afghanistan’s Foreign Minister is part of a series of ongoing talks between the two countries. In November, senior Indian Foreign Ministry official JP Singh held multiple meetings with Taliban representatives, including a notable discussion with Acting Defense Minister Mullah Mohammad Yaqoob. Earlier, in June 2022, India sent a “Technical Team” to Kabul to oversee the delivery of humanitarian aid and assess how New Delhi could further assist the Afghan people. Since the opening of the technical mission, the Taliban has repeatedly sought to station its own representative in Delhi. In response, India has allowed a Taliban representative, Ikramuddin Kamil, to work at the Afghan consulate in Mumbai.

    No nation has yet reached the point of formally recognizing the Taliban regime, especially given its ongoing brutal suppression of women. This meeting, however, will likely be seen as highly favorable by the Taliban, which is currently facing military pressure and additional stress from Pakistan. As an old Indian proverb goes, “The enemy of my enemy is my friend.” Despite the stark ideological differences between the two countries, Afghanistan has effectively become a de facto ally for India.

  • Will the Taliban-IS Conflict Worsen in Afghanistan?

    Will the Taliban-IS Conflict Worsen in Afghanistan?

    “Are our rulers betraying Islam?” This question looms ominously over every government in the Islamic world, from Morocco to Indonesia. It has the power to stir mobs, fuel unrest, and, in certain cases, bring down entire regimes. Whether in prosperous monarchies or fragile republics, no administration is immune to its weight. Curiously, not even the Taliban’s rule over the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan escapes its shadow. Afghanistan, a country founded on Islamic Sharia law and rejecting modern values, remains vulnerable to such threats. Among those threats is a call for even stricter adherence to the faith—most notably, from the Islamic State.

    The Islamic State’s Khorasan wing, known as ISIS-K, remains active in Afghanistan despite losing the territory it once controlled. It retains personnel, leadership, conducts attacks, and spreads its ideology effectively, making it a formidable force in the region. However, the Taliban, now governing Afghanistan, does not maintain good relations with ISIS-K. Since seizing control in August 2021, following the U.S. withdrawal and the collapse of the Afghan National Army (ANA), the Taliban has been locked in a violent struggle against ISIS-K. Both groups compete for control of Afghanistan, a land they both view as a prized possession.

    Meanwhile, ISIS-K seeks to establish the Khorasan Province as part of a broader Islamic State on Afghan soil. It aims to destabilize the Taliban regime, which it labels an “Apostate” and a “Western Puppet,” in a bid to reclaim influence and territory in Afghanistan. According to ISIS-K, they are the true flag-bearers of Islam. This rivalry sets the stage for yet another conflict in the war-torn country.

    In a significant escalation of the conflict between the Taliban and ISIS, a suicide bomber killed Khalil Haqqani, the Taliban’s refugee minister, inside his ministry in Kabul yesterday. The attack, which also claimed the lives of six others, marks the Taliban’s most high-profile loss since regaining power in Afghanistan in 2021. Interior ministry sources reported that the blast occurred as Haqqani was leaving his office. According to a statement from ISIS’s “News Agency,” Amaq, one of its operatives waited outside the minister’s office and detonated explosives as Haqqani stepped out. A Taliban spokesperson confirmed that ISIS was responsible for the attack, as reported by Reuters. Given Haqqani’s prominence as a key figure in the Taliban, the movement will likely seek revenge for his killing. However, the Taliban will avoid an all-out hunt for ISIS, as this could undermine their support among some Islamist factions. Instead, they will likely act more strategically against ISIS. While ISIS strongholds are clearly marked, many are also linked to the Taliban.

    ISIS-K is currently engaged in a prolonged, low-intensity conflict with the Taliban. While both groups fought against the United States, ISIS-K has primarily targeted Taliban forces. In contrast, the Taliban has made efforts, with debated effectiveness, to target ISIS-K militants through raids, protect foreign diplomats and investors from ISIS-K attacks, and downplay ISIS’s presence in Afghanistan. Despite their ongoing opposition, there have been occasional instances of cooperation between the two groups during the NATO war in Afghanistan, particularly in attacks on the minority Shia Hazara. In August 2017, the Taliban and ISIS-K jointly launched a major assault on Hazara villages in northern Afghanistan, killing dozens of men, women, and children in Sar-e Pol Province. The National Security Department of the former Afghan government repeatedly stated that the Haqqani network and the Taliban supported ISIS-K fighters. However, their relationship worsened starting in late 2022 and continued through 2023, when ISIS-K launched attacks on diplomats from China and Pakistan—two countries with warmer relations towards the Taliban. These attacks aimed to deter foreign recognition, investment, and support for the Taliban government by exposing its inability to provide security.

    While the Taliban may be seen as a star in the Islamic world, having brought the United States to its knees, why are they still challenged by the Islamic State? Both share the same ideology, so the questions arise. But here comes the curse of the Islamic world. Who is Real Islam or true Islam is a heated topic and Muslim people always choose to fight to define it. And it flares up if there is no strong, tight governance. And it is not in Afghanistan. The country is still under tribal rule, the country remains entrenched in poverty, and young people are easily attracted to extremist ideologies. Thus, we must consider that the wars in Afghanistan will persist, and in this ongoing struggle, the Taliban may be seen as the “good guy” that the West supports. Maybe Python is better than Viper.

  • Will Balochistan Secede from Pakistan?

    Will Balochistan Secede from Pakistan?

    Independent Balochistan, a demand for ethnic statehood, dates back decades. It is quite similar to the demand for Kurdistan, an ethnic state for Kurds, by seceding Kurdish-majority regions from different countries. In the case of Balochistan, the land of the Baloch tribes, they seek to form a new state by seceding Baloch-dominated territories in Pakistan, Iran, and Afghanistan. Although the demand for statehood is significant across Baloch territories in these countries, the demand from Pakistan is more intense, as they have acted more forcefully against it than others. This has led to full-scale conflicts between the Pakistani army and Baloch militants in 1948, 1958–59, 1962–63, and 1973–1977, with a new ongoing insurgency at varying levels since 2003.

    Photo Credit: Wikimedia Commons

    Although the Baloch are now Sunni Muslims, they have historically opposed the creation of Pakistan, and some even opposed the partition of India. In response, Pakistan has consistently treated the Baloch harshly. It is clear that Pakistan will never agree to secede its largest province, which is roughly the size of France and one of the largest provinces by area within any country. However, despite Balochistan being rich in natural resources such as gold, diamonds, silver, and copper, it is sparsely populated, economically underdeveloped, and one of the poorest regions in Pakistan.

    Pakistan has attempted several measures to assimilate Balochistan with the rest of the country, such as promoting the national language Urdu while suppressing native languages like Balochi and Brahui, and arresting local leaders by branding statehood advocates as terrorists and Indian supporters. Additionally, Pakistan has encouraged migration to Balochistan to alter the demographics, but the people have resisted, with Baloch organizations resorting to extreme measures like suicide bombings and targeted killings. This has allowed Pakistan to label Baloch organizations as terrorist groups.

    The region has always attracted the interest of Pakistani politicians due to its valuable mineral resources and strategic location. When China initiated the Gwadar port project in Balochistan – a natural deep-sea port at the mouth of a critical trade route – Pakistani politicians tried to use the situation to benefit from the migration of workers from the rest of Pakistan. However, this move was met with significant opposition. As Pakistan’s political and economic situation worsens day by day, the secessionist movement in Balochistan is rising to an unprecedented level.

    The Baloch Liberation Army (BLA), an ethno-nationalist militant group operating out of Afghanistan, regularly targets the Pakistan Armed Forces, civilians, and foreign nationals. Recognized as a terrorist organization in multiple countries, the BLA recently launched Operation Herof, striking Pakistani army checkpoints and camps along key highways in Balochistan. This operation reportedly claimed the lives of nearly 102 people, including civilians, and led to the capture of significant parts of the Bela army camp. The BLA has also set up checkpoints across the province to ambush military convoys, indicating a broader effort to achieve secession from Pakistan.

    The BLA claimed that over 40 soldiers were killed in the attack on the main army camp in Bela. According to the group, its Fidayeen unit maintained control over a substantial portion of the camp for six hours as part of Operation Herof, with the Majeed Brigade spearheading the assault on the occupying forces in Bela, resulting in the deaths of more than 40 military personnel.

    Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif condemned the violence, asserting that the separatists aim to disrupt China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) development projects, which seek to expand Beijing’s influence in Pakistan and across Central and South Asia. This is viewed as a counter to the influence of the United States and India in the region. Sharif vowed retaliation, noting that the violence coincided with a visit from a top Chinese general to Islamabad.

    Pakistan will definitely retaliate, as it has a history of doing so. According to Amnesty International, over 10,000 Baloch have disappeared in Pakistan since 2011. This challenge presents opportunities for both the Pakistani army and the government. The Pakistani army, which holds control over the state, will likely use the situation to act more aggressively in Balochistan, gaining control over more areas and justifying actions in other problematic regions. The Pakistani government, which is not well-liked due to issues like banning opposition, corruption, nepotism, and poor governance, sees this as an opportunity to strengthen its grip on the state.

    There was opposition to the government over Chinese-run projects that have led to significant debt for Pakistan and offered little benefit to local communities. Now, the government has a reason to suppress this dissent and push its anti-India agenda, which could unify the nation and seek warmer relations with Iran and Afghanistan – both of which are also dealing with secessionist movements from their Baloch populations.

    How Pakistan handles this situation will be crucial in determining the country’s future. Pakistan already faces significant challenges in its northwestern territories, and if it fails in Balochistan, India will most likely intervene, leading to the loss of occupied Kashmir. Furthermore, Pakistan could face mass protests in Sindh and Punjab that could weaken the union’s control, similar to what happened in former East Pakistan, now Bangladesh. Therefore, the management of the Balochistan issue will play a key role in shaping the future of the world’s first Islamic republic.

  • How Afghanistan Still Impacts U.S. Presidential Campaigns

    How Afghanistan Still Impacts U.S. Presidential Campaigns

    Afghanistan is indeed considered one of the biggest blunders in United States foreign policy. This state, with a distinct identity deeply influenced by Persian and Indian cultures, often seen as a mix of both, was infused with extremist Islamic ideology by the United States, with the help of Pakistan, once their biggest ally in the region, to counter the Soviet Union. The notorious Islamic extremist organization, the Taliban, was nurtured with U.S.-supported funds, but they eventually became foes, leading to the famous U.S. invasion of Afghanistan, which overthrew the Taliban’s Islamic Emirate that had become a threat to humanity. After the U.S. withdrawal and the Taliban’s reestablishment of the Islamic Emirate in 2021, strict Islamic Sharia law was reimplemented, women were banned from public life and schools, ancient cruel punishments became common, and Islam permeated all aspects of the state.

    The United States chaotic withdrawal from Afghanistan was due to enormous spending and the loss of American lives. The U.S. allowed the Taliban to take over the country, orchestrating meetings in Qatar, the Taliban’s biggest ally, and even releasing Taliban terrorists to facilitate the coup. Afghanistan is now under Taliban control, and though the U.S. has been absent for three years, the situation still impacts American politics. It remains a significant talking point in the ongoing presidential clash between former President Donald Trump and current Vice President Kamala Harris.

    The United States’ operation in Afghanistan spanned both Republican and Democratic administrations, making both parties equally responsible for the war and the resulting deaths of U.S. soldiers and Afghan civilians. Although the issue had nearly faded from American consciousness, it has resurfaced in the mainstream as former President Donald Trump on Monday linked Vice President Kamala Harris to the chaotic Afghanistan War withdrawal. This occurred on the third anniversary of the suicide bombing that killed 13 U.S. service members, an event Trump called a humiliation. Trump also laid wreaths at Arlington National Cemetery to honor Sgt. Nicole Gee, Staff Sgt. Darin Hoover, and Staff Sgt. Ryan Knauss, who were killed, along with more than 100 Afghans, in the suicide bombing at Hamid Karzai International Airport on August 26, 2021.

    President Joe Biden’s administration was actually following a withdrawal commitment and timeline that the Trump administration had negotiated with the Taliban and Qatar in 2020. A 2022 review by a government-appointed special investigator concluded that decisions made by both Trump and Biden were key factors leading to the rapid collapse of Afghanistan’s military and the Taliban takeover. However, Trump accused Biden and Kamala Harris of causing the humiliation in Afghanistan, claiming it triggered the collapse of American credibility and respect worldwide. In his speech to the National Guard in Detroit, Trump stated that leaving Afghanistan was the right decision but criticized the poor execution. While the Taliban’s resurgence and the U.S. withdrawal were planned, the execution was a significant failure that severely damaged the United States’ image and cost many lives.

    Kamala Harris largely dismissed Trump’s remarks about the poor execution of the Afghanistan withdrawal. In her statement marking the anniversary of the Kabul airport attack, Harris expressed her mourning for the 13 U.S. service members who were killed, stating that her prayers were with their families and loved ones, and that her heart broke for their pain and loss. She also honored and remembered all Americans who served in Afghanistan. Harris reiterated that President Biden made the courageous and correct decision to end America’s longest war. She mentioned that over the past three years, the administration had demonstrated that they could still eliminate terrorists, including the leaders of al-Qaeda and ISIS, without deploying troops into combat zones. Harris emphasized that she would never hesitate to take whatever action was necessary to counter terrorist threats and protect the American people.

    Under Trump, the United States signed a peace agreement with the Taliban aimed at ending America’s longest war and bringing U.S. troops home. Biden later used this agreement to shift blame for the Taliban’s takeover of Afghanistan, contending that it required him to withdraw troops and set the stage for the subsequent chaos. The Biden administration’s review acknowledged that the evacuation of Americans and allies should have started earlier, blaming delays on the Afghan government and military, as well as U.S. military and intelligence assessments. The top U.S. generals overseeing the evacuation criticized the administration for inadequate planning. Gen. Mark Milley, the former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, told lawmakers earlier this year that he had recommended keeping a residual force of 2,500 troops for support. Instead, Biden chose to maintain a much smaller contingent of 650 troops, solely for securing the U.S. embassy.

    While Harris emphasizes American lives and Trump focuses on American pride, the plight of Afghan citizens, who have suffered under the Taliban’s medieval rule, is largely overlooked by U.S. presidential candidates. There has been little offered in terms of help for the suffering Afghans, a situation also exacerbated by the United States. The success of the Taliban has aided many extremist organizations in spreading their vision across various countries, which could eventually pose a significant threat to the U.S. Meanwhile, without addressing these core issues, presidential candidates are focusing on the emotions of American citizens.

  • What Caused So Much Anti-India Sentiment in the Indian Subcontinent?

    What Caused So Much Anti-India Sentiment in the Indian Subcontinent?

    Bollywood and Indian policymakers dominated the Indian subcontinent until the last decade. The Indian subcontinent, including Islamic countries like Afghanistan and Pakistan, maintained a good relationship with India. Countries like the Maldives, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Nepal, and Bhutan acted more like India’s satellites. They developed and evolved using India as a model, and India was generous to its neighbors, offering assistance in areas from education, health, to the satellite services. This collaboration led to the formation of SAARC, which was one of the most effective regional bodies.

    The people of these countries shared a strong cultural bond, enjoying the same movies, music, and cricket and admiring stars from each other’s nations. Despite nationalism, there was a sense of fondness and unity. However, in 2024, the scenario has changed dramatically. The union and sentiments that once bound them together are no longer present. Politicians, people, and even artists are expressing hostility toward each other, with social media filled with hate comments. Anti-India factions are ruling in Afghanistan, Pakistan, the Maldives, and have gained strength in Sri Lanka and Nepal. Recently, a violent riot in Bangladesh toppled an India-supported government, revealing a clear rise in anti-India sentiment. Now, it seems only Bhutan remains allied with India in the subcontinent. What caused such a split between these countries that once seemed as close as in a Bollywood drama?

    India, as the largest secular democratic republic, was a role model for its fellow South Asian states. Even when they had disputes with India, they admired it. While some Islamist countries and the United States, which was opposed to Russia, propagated against India, people in these countries were fond of India, its secularism, and its culture. Indian Bollywood movies facilitated this cultural exchange significantly. Bollywood films, with their family values and cultural closeness, attracted large audiences in these countries, creating hardcore fans who cherished Bombay dreams. Bollywood produced content that appealed to these audiences and included more artists from Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and other countries, resulting in significant box office collections for Bollywood movies in these regions. At one point, despite border tensions, Pakistan was one of the largest contributors to Bollywood’s box office revenue.

    Cricket was also a unifying factor, as India provided facilities to promote the sport in these countries. Indian cricket and hockey stars were admired across the region. A similar cultural exchange occurred in reverse, with Pakistani musicians and Sri Lankan cricketers becoming big stars in India. Together, they formed a friendly alliance. The wars at the borders and foreign interests did not disturb this friendly environment.

    But things began to change over the last decade, specifically after Narendra Modi and his Hindu nationalist party, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), came to power in 2014. The rise of the Hindu nationalist party caused widespread concern in Islamic countries, leading them to question India’s secular image among their own people. Comments from BJP leaders were widely circulated, giving more spotlight to Islamic factions in countries like Pakistan, the Maldives, and Bangladesh. The public in these countries slowly began to fall out of love with India. Economic downturns in these countries were also redirected into India-hatred by local politicians, who blamed India for various problems. Jealousy played a role as well; in the past, everyone seemed to grow together, but now only India was progressing, leading to the perception that India didn’t care about them and was taking away their opportunities and overshadowing them on the global stage.

    The decline of Bollywood also contributed to this cultural divide. As Bollywood started producing more propaganda-based movies instead of the traditional romantic dramas, the films lost their connection with markets in Pakistan and other regions. Meanwhile, the youth, especially Gen Z, began exploring Hollywood and Korean movies instead of Indian content, further weakening cultural ties.

    But political analysts point to another important factor: the influence of social media on a predominantly young population. As social media spaces are heavily utilized by propagandists, minor incidents in distant places, which mainstream media usually neglect, have started to be highlighted and shape the national mood. This has further strained the already deteriorating connections between people and policymakers. Additionally, outsiders with vested interests have begun to exploit the situation. The United States and the United Kingdom have been culturally disseminating anti-India narratives in the surrounding countries, while Saudi Arabia and Qatar are advancing Islamic interests. Meanwhile, China has heavily invested in the region through infrastructure projects that small-income countries cannot afford to repay, pulling them out of India’s sphere of influence. Anti-Indian groups in these nations are taking advantage of this situation by fostering a new and distinct identity that previously did not exist.

    As a result, India is becoming increasingly isolated in the region, posing significant economic and military risks. With satellite countries bound by Chinese debts, they cannot refuse the influx of Chinese products, causing substantial losses for Indian businesses. Furthermore, infrastructure projects in strategic locations around India provide a military advantage for China. It appears that China is now the dominant player in the region with its partners, putting India in a difficult position.

  • How Much Has the Taliban Changed Afghanistan?

    How Much Has the Taliban Changed Afghanistan?

    The West abandoned Afghanistan, which is now ruled by the extreme Islamist organization, the Taliban, and is entering another year under outdated and inhuman laws. The land, long controlled by various foreign powers from Indian rulers to the United States, now has its own leaders, although influenced by foreign philosophies. News from the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan is no longer making front-page headlines and is almost being neglected by the world media. This may be due to the perception that nothing more than expected is happening, and the repetition of such news has become mundane. The suppression of women, brutal punishments, and enforced dress codes are all nothing new. Some analysts previously believed that the new Taliban, allowed to take control of Afghanistan by the United States, would be different from the previous regime and that Afghanistan might adopt more relaxed Islamic laws, after two years, Afghanistan remains a strictly Islamic and regressive state.

    Even though it may seem planned or scripted, The new era of Taliban rule commenced shortly after NATO troops began their withdrawal. The Taliban swiftly launched an offensive against the Afghan government, making rapid advances as Afghan government forces collapsed. In August 2021, the Taliban seized the capital city of Kabul after regaining control over the vast majority of Afghanistan. Though the state of war in the country officially ended in 2021 with the reestablishment of an Islamic state, armed conflict persists in some regions due to fighting between the Taliban and the local branch of Islamic terrorist organizations, as well as an anti-Taliban republican insurgency.

    The Taliban government, which mostly resembles the Islamic Republic of Iran government, albeit the Sunni version, is led by Supreme Leader Haibatullah Akhundzada and Acting Prime Minister Hasan Akhund, both inaugurated in September 2021. Akhund is among the four founders of the Taliban and formerly served as a deputy prime minister of the previous emirate. His appointment was perceived as a compromise between moderates and hardliners. A new, all-male cabinet was formed by obeying Islamic Laws. The United Nations did not recognize the Taliban government and chose to work with the then government-in-exile instead. However, more countries, including Russia, are now seeking diplomatic relationships with the central Asian country due to its crucial location. Despite having sustained almost two years, the country’s economic and social conditions are reported to be worsening.

    After the NATO withdrawal, the country experienced a steep decline in its financial condition. Subsequently, following the Taliban’s takeover of Afghanistan in August 2021, Western nations suspended most of their humanitarian aid to the country. Furthermore, the World Bank and International Monetary Fund halted their payments. Reports of food shortages and famine, along with expected news of banning females from education and public life, were common at the time of the takeover and in the following months. The help from Islamic countries like Qatar is now the backbone of the country’s economy. And addressing the economic reality, The Taliban is slowly promoting tourism now. 

    Afghanistan has high potential for tourism, but it was disturbed by the Islamic resurgence in the 1990s. Kabul was one of the favorite destinations for Indians and Europeans. The country’s most sought-after tourist destination is the Mountainous Bamiyan, a UNESCO World Heritage site, and the remains of two giant Buddha statues that were blown up by the Taliban during their previous rule in 2001. Since taking over Afghanistan in 2021, the Taliban have pledged to restore security and have encouraged a small but growing number of tourists to trickle back into the country. They sold tickets to visit the site of the destroyed Buddha statues. However, the threat from Islamists continues, jeopardizing Afghanistan’s chances. Just recently, an attack by the Islamic State killed three Spanish tourists. Previously, the Islamic State had claimed responsibility for an attack that injured Chinese citizens at a hotel popular with Chinese business people in Kabul in 2022.

    Social conditions are also a significant concern about the country. Despite promises of a more moderate rule, the Taliban began carrying out severe punishments in public, executions, floggings, and stoning, shortly after returning to power in 2021. These punishments resemble those witnessed during the Taliban’s previous rule in the late 1990s. Last week, the Taliban conducted public floggings of more than 60 people, including over a dozen women, in the northern Sari Pul province.

    At least 63 people were lashed on Tuesday by Afghanistan’s de facto authorities, as confirmed by the UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan in a statement. The mission denounced corporal punishment and urged adherence to international human rights obligations. The Taliban’s supreme court also confirmed the public flogging of 63 individuals, including 14 women accused of crimes such as sodomy, theft, and immoral relations. They were subjected to flogging at a sports stadium. Separate statements by the supreme court reported that a man and a woman, convicted of adultery and attempting to flee from home, were flogged in northern Panjshir province on Wednesday. Earlier this year, the Taliban publicly executed a man convicted of murder, with thousands watching at a stadium in northern Jawzjan province. This incident marked the fifth public execution since the Taliban seized power.

    The disastrous fate and misery of the beautiful Asian country continues. Unlike their previous emirate, The Taliban is now more mild. they don’t intervene in terrorism in other countries, and they are not considered a threat even by neighbors. However, life in Afghanistan does not vary significantly from the previous term. Strict Islamic laws continue, with women already ousted from public places, and outdated punishments described in Islamic rules still persist. Therefore, changes are evident in Afghanistan, but only in a regressive manner.

  • Can Modi’s Third Term Bring Akhand Bharat Closer?

    Can Modi’s Third Term Bring Akhand Bharat Closer?

    Only one phase of polling remains out of the seven phases of the marathon Indian general election, which has stretched over three months. On July 4th, the election results will be published. Even though predicting the minds of a billion people is challenging, the media are forecasting an edge for the incumbent Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who is expected to secure a consecutive third term. If a strong leader like Modi and Hindu Nationalist Party  awarded a continuous third term, it is expected that there will be more actions fulfilling the long-held wishes of Hindu organizations, with a priority on the formation of Akhand Bharat, a greater Indosphere, stretching Afghanistan to Myanmar, including all South Asian countries.

    Last year, on the occasion of the inauguration of India’s new parliament building, a mural was unveiled that depicted a map of the Maurya Empire under Ashoka. This map, instead of modern India, sparked controversy and criticism from several of India’s neighboring countries, as almost all of them were part of that ancient empire. Mumtaz Zahra Baloch, then spokesperson for the Pakistani Ministry of Foreign Affairs, condemned the mural, branding it as an expression of revisionism and expansionism. Similarly, the junior minister for foreign affairs of Bangladesh voiced concerns, noting widespread discontent over the depicted map. Additionally, numerous Nepali politicians voiced their apprehensions about the mural.

    While India appears to be employing a strategy akin to China’s, which asserts claims over neighboring territories using the Qing Dynasty map, it has not assuaged the concerns of its neighbors. Responding to these concerns, Arindam Bagchi, the spokesperson for the Indian Ministry of External Affairs, conveyed that the mural embodies the concept of responsible and people-centered governance championed by the ancient king Ashoka and the Maurya empire. However, it is evident that the map aligns with the agenda of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which advocates for a revival of India’s past glory. Politicians in the BJP, including Minister of Parliamentary Affairs Pralhad Joshi, proudly declared it as a symbol of Akhand Bharat, the Pan-Indian country, asserting it as their destiny.

    Narendra Modi and his Hindu nationalist right wing party, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), have often been accused of far-right politics that aim to revive India’s ancient histories and mythologies. He frequently speaks about restoring India to its former glory. Modi also made headlines with his promotion of the ancient name “Bharat” instead of the Western name “India” and by making  a strong objective of reclaiming the Pakistan-held territory of Kashmir.

    Akhand Bharat has been a long-standing demand since the Indian independence movement. The call for the creation of Akhand Bharat has occasionally been raised by various Hindu nationalist organizations, including the BJP’s parent organization, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). The RSS textbook included a map that depicted Pakistan and Bangladesh as part of “Akhand Bharat,” along with post-partition modern India. Additionally, a trade union magazine from the same organization extended this concept to include Nepal, Bhutan, and Myanmar. Moreover RSS, there are many other organizations advocating for this idea, such as the Hindu Mahasabha, Vishva Hindu Parishad, Shiv Sena, Maharashtra Navnirman Sena, Hindu Sena, and Hindu Janajagruti Samiti. There is even one organization named the Akhand Hindustan Morcha that has this goal in its name. Many Hindu organizations believe that Akhand Bharat, stretching from Afghanistan to Myanmar and from Kashmir to Sri Lanka, is the true country they deserve. They advocate for this region, collectively called Akhand Bharat, as it reflects the ancient Hindu empires that once covered this entire area. They claim evidence for their pan-nation theory exists in the languages and cultures of these regions.

    According to these Hindu organizations, Mughal and Islamic rule, referred to as Ottoman colonization, and British colonization caused the decline of the greater Indosphere, the pan-nation. They believe that when the demand for Indian independence was ignited, Britain, who not wanting a superpower in Asia, conspired with the Indian National Congress under Nehru to fragment India and lose these territories. The subsequent Congress government neglected the idea of Akhand Bharat.

    However, they believe this is the perfect time to achieve this goal. Under Modi’s regime, they think they can reunite these territories with India and restore Akhand Bharat. Modi’s BJP aspires to continue ruling until 2047, the 100th anniversary of the Republic of India, and they believe it will happen during this period. BJP politicians have already expressed a desire to officially rename India to Bharat, its ancient name. Additionally, they have spoken about reclaiming Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, which was lost in the early years of independence. BJP supporters frequently use the map of Akhand Bharat in their campaigns to garner public support.

    Many believe that for those who support pan-India, the route to unification will be driven more by the economy than by the military. As India becomes economically richer and is expected to be the third-largest economy in the next decade, with per capita GDP also showing signs of improvement, there is a chance for closer collaboration with neighbors, potentially leading to an economic union or a strong confederation. Other countries in the region, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and Myanmar are all facing deep economic crises and are largely reliant on China’s support. For Afghanistan and Pakistan, their opposition to India is primarily due to rising Islamic identity and funding from the Middle East for Islamic governance. However, it appears that the Middle East is now less interested in Islamic propaganda and these countries are now more connected with Chinese money. But Sri Lanka serves as an example of how a country can suffer from relying on Chinese money, and the Maldives might follow. These small countries reluctance towards India is only because of Chinese financial support. If Chinese financial support diminishes, countries like the Maldives, Nepal, Bangladesh, and Myanmar may have no other option but to collaborate with India. Bhutan already seems to be a collaborative country. These collaboration is expected to follow the confederation and the Akhand Bharth. 

    It’s certain that India will not attempt to induce unification into a single country through military means in the near future, as the Hindu organizations wish. Such actions would significantly hinder India’s goal of becoming a developed country by 2047. Instead, the BJP is likely to adopt a more tactical approach using economy, market, Media and Movies etc. With the interests of the United States, China, and Saudi Arabia in the region waning, increased financial investment and Indian influence could lead to greater cooperation and potentially a strong union, making Akhand Bharat a possible reality. If Modi continues into his third term, he will likely work towards this goal, as it is not only his vision but also a long-time demand of the BJP’s parent organization. It is certain he cannot move forward while ignoring it. Therefore, the result of the 2024 general election in India is not only important for India but also for the entire region.

  • Why Is The Pakistan-Afghanistan Relationship In Crisis?

    Why Is The Pakistan-Afghanistan Relationship In Crisis?

    Pakistan, a country troubled with borders, is facing a deep existential crisis. The multi-ethnic, multilingual nation continues to exist due to its strong adherence to Islamism and animosity towards India. However, the state has already faltered due to poor governance, recurrent military rule, escalating separatist movements, and rampant terrorist activities. Challenges also emanate from neighboring countries. India, the primary adversary, is increasingly assertive in its demand for Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. Additionally, relations with Iran have soured over Balochistan, while territorial disputes strain ties with Afghanistan. Afghanistan has never acknowledged the Durand Line, the border line between Pakistan and Afghanistan, which traverses the heartland of the Pashtun. Nevertheless, the relationship with Afghanistan, Pakistan’s Islamic brother, is crucial for Pakistan due to unique geographical challenges and the potential threat posed by India. But as like the twists in Bollywood movies Afghanistan is now the biggest concern of Pakistan.

    Pakistan, once accused of nurturing terrorism, reaped benefits from it. Serious blasts in Indian economic centers and Jammu Kashmir served to stun India, portraying it as lacking security in international media. Terrorism also served strategic purposes in Iran and Afghanistan. The Taliban, current rulers of Afghanistan, emerged from Pakistan’s terrorist nurturing programs. However, terrorism eventually turned against itself as terrorist organizations aimed at Islamizing the Indian subcontinent began to target Pakistan primarily. These groups, like the Pakistan Taliban, began attacking officials, tourists, and mostly Chinese foreign workers, earning Pakistan the label of a serious terrorist state. And severely worsened the economy of Pakistan. Accusations against Afghanistan grew as they seemingly adopted strategies of Pakistan used against India to now target Pakistan.

    Recently, Pakistan’s military revealed that a suicide bombing in March, which killed five Chinese engineers and a Pakistani driver, was orchestrated from neighboring Afghanistan by an Afghan citizen. Four suspects linked to the attack were apprehended. This is only one incident that grabs headlines of newspapers, due to the deaths of Chinese nationals, but there are a lot of similar incidents reported. The Pakistani Taliban, with sanctuaries in Afghanistan, intensified attacks within Pakistan since January, resulting in the deaths of 62 security forces. Evidence strongly implicates their involvement in the escalating violence. Karachi, Pakistan’s largest city, witnessed numerous militant attacks in recent years, including a recent suicide blast targeting a van carrying five Japanese workers. The Pakistani Taliban, although distinct from but closely aligned with the Afghan Taliban, bore responsibility for such attacks. Consequently, animosity toward Afghans in Pakistan has surged. Nearly 563,639 Afghan migrants returned to Afghanistan following Islamabad’s crackdown on illegal migration, drawing criticism from international and domestic human rights groups.

    Pakistan and Afghanistan, as part of the Indian kingdoms, historically maintained a good relationship. There was a time when discussions leaned toward uniting Pakistan and Afghanistan to form a strong Islamic country in the Indian subcontinent. Khurshid Mahmud Kasuri, a seasoned diplomat who held the position of Pakistan’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, recalled significant efforts made at the governmental level to establish an Pakistan-Afghanistan Confederation. According to Kasuri, the United States also endorsed this concept. President Zia-ul-Haq expanded on the notion of a Pakistan-Afghanistan Confederation, envisioning unrestricted movement for both Pakistanis and Afghans without the need for passports.. General Akhtar Abdur Rahman, considered Zia’s right-hand man and the Director-General of the ISI, himself a Pashtun, shared Zia’s vision of a post-Soviet “Islamic Confederation” comprising Pakistan, Afghanistan, Kashmir, and even the states of Soviet Central Asia. Despite its abandonment, Pakistan’s relationship with Afghanistan remained warm. The Taliban received significant financial and logistical support from Pakistan, facilitated by the Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) agency, which provided funding, training, and weaponry. After the Taliban’s removal in 2001, many found refuge in Pakistan. However, following the Taliban’s return to Afghanistan in 2021, the situation changed drastically. There is now a considerable amount of anti-Pakistan sentiment in Afghanistan, while negative feelings toward Afghan refugees are widespread in Pakistan. Issues such as calls for Pashtun land in Pakistan, the refugee crisis, and terrorism have strained the relationship to its lowest point.

    Foreign relationships are essential in modern times, as they create more opportunities for every state. Building relationships with neighbors is particularly crucial. However, Pakistan currently lacks both. Its relationship with Afghanistan is in a volatile state, and any further developments will likely exacerbate the situation. Both the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan and the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, though they are Islamic, their views, directions, and agendas differ. Pakistan’s new government favors the military and the West but does not support Islamic extremism like the Taliban’s Afghanistan. The Taliban government, on the other hand, will strive to benefit from Pashtun support by claiming Pashtun areas. Consequently, the Western-oriented Pakistani government may soon clash with the Taliban government, and as a result, the chances of improving relationships are diminishing.

  • Rising Mughal Hate: Why India is Removing its Islamic History

    Rising Mughal Hate: Why India is Removing its Islamic History

    The Indian government, led by the well-known Hindu nationalist Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP), is steadfastly dedicated to eliminating all traces of colonialism. Now that the party is running for an uninterrupted third term, it is actively leading the revival of the Hindu identity in India. The nation’s legacy is being reclaimed, as evidenced by programs like renaming roads and ignoring structures from the colonial era. 

    This renewed vigor against colonial influences extends to the Mughals, an Islamic dynasty historically associated with the Ottomans. Despite arguments that many Mughal rulers had Indian roots and lineage, they are increasingly perceived as symbols of Ottoman colonization. Hindu Nationalists fervently assert that the Mughals were more oppressive and exploitative than the British colonialists. Consequently, there is a growing clamor for the removal of Mughal legacies from Indian soil, mirroring the elimination of British colonial identifiers.

    The Indian subcontinent, renowned for its ancient civilizations and great kingdoms like Maurya, Kalinga, and Chola, was predominantly ruled by Hindu, Buddhist, and Jain kings. The advent of Muslim invasion in the Indian subcontinent is traditionally traced back to 712 AD, following the conquest of Sindh and Multan by the Umayyad Caliphate under the leadership of Muhammad ibn al-Qasim. This marked the beginning of a gradual conquest that saw successive Muslim rulers establishing their dominance.

    Muslim dynasties, most notably the Mughal Empire and the Delhi Sultanate, rose to prominence in the subcontinent starting in the late 12th century. From the middle of the 14th century to the end of the 18th century, a number of other Muslim kingdoms ruled over South Asia, including the Deccan Sultanates, Bahmani, Bengal, Gujarat, Malwa, Mysore, and Carnatic. These Muslim dynasties were bound together by the Islamic faith and Persianate culture, while having different origins. 

    While Sharia formed the primary basis for the legal system in the Delhi Sultanate, with rulers like Firuz Shah Tughlaq and Alauddin Khilji notably repelling Mongol invasions, others like Akbar adopted a secular legal system, promoting religious neutrality. The Muslim rule in India profoundly influenced the cultural, linguistic, and religious landscape of the subcontinent. Persian and Arabic vocabulary seeped into local languages, giving rise to modern Punjabi, Bengali, and Gujarati, alongside the emergence of new languages like Urdu and Deccani, which served as official languages under Muslim dynasties. This era also witnessed the birth of Hindustani music, Qawwali, and the evolution of dance forms such as Kathak. Additionally, religions like Sikhism and Din-e-Ilahi emerged from the synthesis of Hindu and Muslim religious traditions.

    The transition away from Muslim rule in modern India is predominantly denoted by the Battle of Plassey in 1757 and the onset of the British Raj in 1857, though remnants persisted in regions like Hyderabad State, Junagadh State, Jammu and Kashmir State, and other minor princely states until the mid-20th century. Present-day Bangladesh, Maldives, and Pakistan are Muslim-majority nations within the Indian subcontinent, while India hosts the world’s largest Muslim minority population, exceeding 180 million.

    Historians and British records generally classify these Muslim kingdoms as integral parts of India, while Indian historians and Hindu organizations view them as periods of colonial rule. Their stance is supported by various factors, including the predominantly Turkish, Persian, Afghan, or Mongol heritage of many early rulers who often exhibited suppressive behavior towards Indian knowledge, architecture, monuments, and temples. Iconic centers of learning like Nalanda and Takshashila were destroyed, temples were desecrated or converted to Islamic styles, forced conversions and marriages occurred, and mass killings were perpetrated. The preference for Persian, Arabic, and Turkish over Indian languages further alienated the indigenous population. Additionally, the harsh treatment of the Hindu kings during the Islamic golden age in India, and the resistance of kingdoms like the Marathas and Vijayanagara against Islamic rule, underscore the disconnect between these rulers and the Indian identity.

    Hindu historians argue that these Islamic kingdoms were more aligned with Ottoman and Persian empires, lacking a true Indian identity. Their oppressive actions against the indigenous Hindu populace and exploitative taxation structures are cited as evidence of their colonizing nature. They advocate for a focus on pre-Islamization Indian history, considered the golden age of Indian civilization, asserting that Indian history need not be sympathetic towards Islamic rulers.

    The Indian National Congress led government, which came to power after India gained independence from British rule in 1947, took a compassionate view of the Mughals, viewing them as fellow Indians rather than Turkish conquerors. The unwillingness to explore the more sinister facets of Mughal governance in textbooks was perceived as an effort to placate the Islamic vote bank, which constitutes a substantial portion of the Congress party’s support base.

    In earlier times, India and Pakistan faced disputes over the succession of the Mughal era. Pakistan, established as a Muslim state following the partition of India, was perceived by some as the inheritor of the Mughal legacy, a view not universally accepted by the Congress government. However, the dynamics shifted significantly with the landslide victory of the Hindu nationalist Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) in the 2014 general election. The BJP’s focus shifted towards highlighting the drawbacks of Mughal rule. Initiatives were launched to shed light on instances of persecution endured by the Indian populace during the Mughal era, which had previously been overlooked by earlier administrations.

    The BJP actively advocated for the reconstruction of Hindu temples and monuments, especially in locations where mosques had been erected during the Mughal era, often replacing Hindu temples. Prime examples include the reconstruction of the Ayodhya temple atop the former site of the Babri Masjid. Extensive efforts were undertaken to revive numerous temples that had fallen into disrepair during the Islamic period. Surveys were conducted on mosques constructed during the Mughal era to uncover traces of Hindu heritage. Furthermore, initiatives were launched to revitalize the exploration and commemoration of pre-Islamic Indian history, particularly the periods of Hindu, Buddhist, and Jain rule in the subcontinent. Plans were discussed for the restoration of the Nalanda University, which had been demolished during the reign of Islamic rulers.

    Social media campaigns aimed at erasing the Islamic identity of India and promoting its Hindu identity gained traction. A visible outcome of this campaign was the renaming of cities and roads that had been named during the Mughal and Congress periods to reflect a Hindu heritage. Notable examples include the renaming of Allahabad to Prayagraj in 2018, Hoshangabad to Narmadapuram in 2021, and Aurangabad to Chhatrapati Sambhaji Nagar in 2023. Many more cities are proposed for name changes, reflecting a broader trend towards reclaiming Hindu heritage in India. Some proposed renamings include Patna to Patliputra, Ahmedabad to Karnavati, and Hyderabad to Bhagyanagaram.

    According to some political analysts, the animosity towards the Mughals may gradually transform into animosity towards Muslims in general. Despite the fact that many Indian Muslims are converted, there is a growing sentiment that portrays them as invaders or sympathizers of invaders, potentially fueling hostile sentiments. With a population of nearly 200 million, any discord between this significant demographic and the Indian government could pose a substantial threat to the nation. However, the Modi government remains resolute in its efforts to diminish Islamic influence and promote Hindu identity. With expectations of a third term, further Hinduization of the country is anticipated, evident in actions such as renaming India to Bharath and proposed changes to the constitution. It is evident that India is transitioning from the modern secular identity implemented by the Congress to a pre-Islamic Hindu nationalist one. This transformation aligns with the BJP’s manifesto to revive the Hindu identity of the nation, utilizing the lingering animosity towards Mughal rule as a driving force.