Tag: Cambodia

  • Cambodian Opposition Leader Jailed on Usual Charges

    Cambodian Opposition Leader Jailed on Usual Charges

    Cambodia, a monarchy concealed beneath a veneer of constitution, is notorious for its history of authoritarian regimes and the relentless suppression of opposition. Today, the latest iteration of this authoritarian state is defined by Hun Sen, the nation’s most influential figure, and his family. Other political parties exist largely for ceremonial purposes, ensuring that they never challenge the dominance of the ruling Cambodian People’s Party. With more than 95 percent of parliamentary seats secured, Hun Sen’s power remains unchallenged, despite his formal transfer of the prime ministership to his eldest son. While the title may have passed, control is still concentrated within the family, and political dissent is met with swift retribution. Most recently, the government imprisoned opposition leader Sun Chanty on the ever-ubiquitous charge of “Inciting Disorder”—a familiar tactic used by authoritarian regimes to silence their critics. This act of repression is merely the latest in a series of moves under Hun Sen’s rule, one in which the judiciary has been weaponized to muzzle political adversaries and activists, while independent media is systematically silenced, ensuring the regime’s stranglehold on power endures.

    Sun Chanthy, president of the Nation Power Party and a prominent opposition figure, was found guilty in a Phnom Penh court, sentenced to two years in prison, and banned from running for office after being convicted of inciting social disorder. The court also imposed a fine of 4 million riel (£800) and stripped him of his right to vote or stand for election. The case focused on Sun Chanthy’s social media posts, including a video recorded during a meeting with supporters in Japan, in which he criticized the government. Pro-government media reports at the time of his May arrest claimed he had accused the government of burdening citizens with debt through bank loans and denounced its social welfare system. This was enough for the authoritarian regime to target him. Given the ruling party’s strong influence over the courts, the verdict was widely anticipated.

    The defense lawyer, Choung Choungy, called the ruling an injustice to his client and stated that they were considering whether to appeal. He told Agence France-Presse that the punishment was excessively harsh and emphasized that Sun Chanthy’s comments were not a mistake, but rather constructive criticism aimed at development.

    Sun Chanthy was previously a senior member of the Cambodia National Rescue Party, the former opposition party that was dissolved by the courts ahead of the 2018 elections. He later joined its unofficial successor, the Candlelight Party, which was banned from participating in last year’s election—a one-sided contest that was won by the longtime authoritarian leader, Hun Sen. In late 2023, Sun Chanthy played a key role in forming a new opposition party, the Nation Power Party.

    Hun Sen, who ruled Cambodia for nearly four decades, transferred power to his son, Hun Manet, shortly after the controversial 2023 general election. As prime minister, Hun Sen cemented his control over the country, methodically silencing opposition, activists, and independent media. When he appointed his eldest son, Hun Manet, as his successor, some dared to hope that civil liberties would improve. Manet had studied in the United States and Britain, where he was exposed to more liberal ideas about elections and human rights. However, since he took power in August 2023, those hopes, though modest, have evaporated. Despite frequently emphasizing the need for independent media and civil society, Manet’s government has moved in the opposite direction. Meanwhile, Hun Sen remains a powerful figure, leading the Cambodian People’s Party and heading the Senate. It’s clear that this type of governance can’t encourage fearless opposition and leaders like Sun Chanthy.

    As usual, the authorities have denied that the case against Sun Chanthy is politically motivated. Yet, he is merely the latest in a long line of targets—among many others. Rong Chhun, an adviser to the Nation Power Party, is also facing incitement charges and could face up to six years in prison if convicted. This year, similar charges have been levied against union leaders, environmental activists, and Mech Dara, an award-winning Cambodian journalist renowned for exposing corruption and human trafficking. Dara’s arrest in September sparked an international outcry. The regime has also extended its crackdown on dissent to Cambodians abroad, securing deportations from Thailand and Malaysia. The authoritarian machine marches on, unyielding in its pursuit. Though many have grown accustomed to the regime’s tactics, history shows that there is a time for every regime.

  • Will the China-Backed Canal Reduce Cambodia’s Reliance on Vietnam?

    Will the China-Backed Canal Reduce Cambodia’s Reliance on Vietnam?

    For decades, Cambodia has regarded Vietnam with a wary eye, an undercurrent of suspicion flowing through its society. Across the country’s diverse social fabric, a significant portion of the population nurses a deep-seated animosity toward its eastern neighbor, blaming Vietnam for a host of domestic troubles. This long-standing resentment has crystallized into a widely held belief that the Vietnamese are not only untrustworthy but capable of malevolent deeds.

    The friction between the two nations is not confined to old grievances; it festers in the present. Border disputes linger unresolved, and the presence of Vietnamese immigrants within Cambodia’s borders stirs anxieties of a more existential nature. Some Cambodians fear that these immigrants could become pawns in a broader Vietnamese strategy to exert dominance over the country. This rising tide of anti-Vietnamese sentiment is fed by a variety of factors – both historical and contemporary – and has recently manifested in protests across Phnom Penh. These demonstrations are but the latest iteration of a familiar political strategy, wherein leaders, sensing an opportunity, stoke fears of foreign encroachment to rally popular support.

    Despite this animosity, Cambodia’s political and economic structures remain deeply intertwined with Vietnam, especially in trade and business. The Mekong River, Cambodia’s lifeline and vital for agriculture and the transportation of goods and people, flows into Vietnam and eventually opens to the sea, making Cambodia dependent on Vietnamese ports for maritime access. This reliance gives Vietnam significant leverage in its dealings with Cambodia. Although Cambodia has its own coastline and ports, the challenging terrain makes the Mekong River a more practical route for transporting goods and facilitating commerce.

    Reducing this dependence has long been a goal for Cambodian policymakers. In pursuit of this objective, the government has proposed a costly project to reroute the Mekong River to the Cambodian coast via a canal. However, securing funding for such a massive undertaking has proven challenging. The only nation willing to assist Cambodia is China, known for financing projects in countries with limited capacity for repayment. China has expressed interest in the canal project, even considering the potential disruptions it may cause to Vietnamese ports – an intriguing dilemma, especially given China’s close relationship with Vietnam.

    The canal, commonly known as the Funan Techno Canal and officially named the Tonle Bassac Navigation Road and Logistics System Project, will span 180 km. The project aims to connect Phnom Penh with Cambodia’s only deep-sea port in Sihanoukville and the newly developed port in Kampot. The plan includes the construction of three dams with sluices and eleven bridges. The estimated completion date is 2028, with a projected cost of $1.7 billion, entirely funded by the China Road and Bridge Corporation. The canal will be developed under a build-operate-transfer (BOT) contract, with hopes of reducing reliance on Vietnamese ports, particularly Cai Mep. Unsurprisingly, Vietnam has raised environmental concerns regarding the project, but Cambodia is determined to move forward. The canal’s groundbreaking ceremony took place on August 5, 2024.

    Photo Credit: Radio Free Asia

    The canal offers enormous opportunities for Cambodia by providing crucial access to the sea, which is essential for economic growth. With this project, Cambodian businesses will gain direct access to maritime routes, significantly reducing costs. The areas surrounding the canal are expected to experience a surge in investment, leading to further infrastructure development that will undoubtedly boost the economy. Cambodia is already a favored partner of China, and reports indicate that developing infrastructure will create more investment opportunities in the country, signaling a potential influx of foreign capital.

    Politically, the leaders who have brought this project to fruition are likely to be celebrated as heroes, particularly for fulfilling a generational demand to reduce Cambodia’s dependence on Vietnam. President Hun Sen, whose administration has championed this ambitious initiative, envisions it as a cornerstone of his legacy – not as a leader besmirched by corruption, but as the architect of a transformative achievement for Cambodia. The canal is also anticipated to alter the region’s geopolitical landscape, fostering a greater separation between Cambodia and Vietnam. In a recent speech, Prime Minister Hun Manet underscored that the canal – his father’s brainchild – will not only boost the economy but also enhance Cambodia’s independence, promote trade, industry, and agriculture, and ensure efficient water management.

    However, this project also carries significant risks. The massive investment from China, coupled with interest rates that Cambodia may struggle to repay, could further bind the country to Chinese influence. This dependence on Chinese policies and products might lead to a challenging economic situation, with Cambodia potentially falling into a debt trap similar to those experienced by Sri Lanka and Pakistan. Consequently, much of the revenue generated by the project may ultimately flow back to China.

    Projects involving transboundary rivers are often mired in disputes, driven by conflicting national interests. While the canal promises substantial benefits for Cambodia, it simultaneously poses risks for Vietnam, likely exacerbating tensions between the two countries. As a partner to both, China may find itself in the delicate position of mediating the issue, seeking to navigate the complexities without drawing in external parties. Yet, it is evident that this canal has the potential to alter the political and economic dynamics of the region.

  • Why Does Cambodia Target Their Environmentalists?

    Why Does Cambodia Target Their Environmentalists?

    Environmentalists don’t hold the same old reputation or importance as far-right groups, which have captured the public sphere. They are often targeted as anti-nationalists or individuals opposed to national progress. This phenomenon is visible worldwide, and in authoritarian countries, they are undoubtedly one of the prime targets of the rulers. Cambodia, a Southeast Asian country with the worst phase of democracy, is seeking infrastructure development with Chinese funds and is among those countries.

    Even though the state is a constitutional monarchy, elections are highly manipulated, and opposition parties are severely weakened. Last year, former military general, Prime Minister, and ongoing President Hun Sen, who had tightly controlled the country for decades from different positions, handed power to his son Hun Manet. Hun Manet was named Prime Minister after an election in which the only major opposition party was banned from contesting, and independent media outlets and criticisms were closed down or blocked online. This is the reality of Cambodian democracy, and now they have found a new opposition in environmentalists, whom they have also begun to target.

    On Tuesday, Ten activists from a prominent environmental group named Mother Nature in Cambodia were sentenced to between six and eight years in jail. Four of the defendants were arrested outside the court in the capital city, Phnom Penh, after the verdict was delivered on Tuesday morning. Others were sentenced in absentia. In a place where people are arrested for protests, an absentia court does not block sentencing. The charges in the case are intriguing; they were found guilty of plotting against the government, while three were also convicted of insulting the king (Lèse-majesté). 

    Among those sentenced on Tuesday were Thun Ratha, Long Kunthea, Phuon Keoraksmey, Binh Piseth, and Pork Khoeuy, who received six years in prison for plotting, according to Amnesty International. Three others, Gonzalez-Davidson, Sun Ratha, and Yim Leanghy, were sentenced to eight years for both plotting and insulting the king, and also face a fine of KHR 10,000,000 (£1,900). The convicted individuals denied the charges.

    Mother Nature, one of the few remaining environmental groups in Cambodia, has gained a presence among youth through its use of viral videos and training programs to engage young Cambodians. As freedom of expression has become increasingly restricted, many Mother Nature activists have faced imprisonment and intimidation. Despite this, the group’s activities have garnered global support and recognition. In 2023, Mother Nature earned the Right Livelihood Award from the Swedish charity, the Right Livelihood Award Foundation, for its fearless and engaging activism. This recognition alone is enough to provoke discontent from the authorities.

    The group recently gained acclaim for successfully campaigning against the Chinese-led construction of a hydroelectric dam in Areng Valley, southwestern Cambodia, which posed threats to an indigenous community and rare species. They also played a crucial role in ending the environmentally damaging and often corrupt practice of sand export from the coastal estuaries of Koh Kong. These actions have led to the group being marked as opposing the country’s ambitious projects and progress and being labeled as anti-national. Regarding the accusations, Alejandro Gonzalez-Davidson, the group’s founder and a Spanish national deported from Cambodia in 2015, told Reuters that the claims of plotting against the state were never clarified in court. 

    It looks like Cambodia doesn’t mind its reputation, even though it has an interest in tourism. The country is notorious for corruption, with Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index (2021) ranking Cambodia 157th out of 180 countries, one of the worst in the continent. Yet, in the July 2023 election, the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) easily won by a landslide in a flawed election. Following the election, Hun Manet, son of Hun Sen, was sworn in as the new Cambodian prime minister. However, this change in leadership does not signify any real change in governance. The recent crackdown on environmentalists deals a severe blow to Cambodia’s civil society, as the government opts to imprison dissenters rather than heed the voices of young environmental leaders. It’s clear that Cambodia’s leadership is not only targeting environmentalists but also any opposition.

  • Cambodia Readies for Senate Election: Hun Sen Assumes New Role

    Cambodia Readies for Senate Election: Hun Sen Assumes New Role

    The impending Senate election in Cambodia appears to be a mere formality, with the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) poised to secure the majority of seats. The anticipation is that former Prime Minister Hun Sen, who ceded power to his son last year after a nearly four-decade-long tenure, will seek a Senate seat and subsequently assume the presidency of the body. Hun Sen has declared his candidacy in Kandal province, where he has held a National Assembly seat since 1993, signaling a potential change in leadership as the current president, Say Chhum, prepares for retirement.

    The political landscape of Cambodia operates within the confines of a constitutional monarchy, where the king assumes the role of the head of state, and the prime minister serves as the head of government. Legislative power resides in a bicameral legislature consisting of the National Assembly, responsible for voting on draft laws, and the Senate, which holds the power of review. After approval by both chambers, draft laws are presented to the monarch for signing and promulgation.

    The current constitution, which was enacted in 1993 in the wake of the 1991 Paris Peace Agreements and the elections that followed, which were aided by the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia, defines Cambodia as a “independent, sovereign, peaceful, permanently neutral, and non-aligned country.” Concerns were raised by the lack of foreign observers during the national election in 2023 and the communal election in 2022. This helped to create the impression that the administration was dictatorial and had stifled opposing voices by dissolving political parties.

    In the July 2023 elections, the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) secured a decisive victory in a flawed election, marked by the disqualification of a significant opposition force, the Candlelight Party. On August 22, 2023, Hun Manet, son of Hun Sen, assumed the role of the new Cambodian prime minister. This scenario, though labeled as ‘democracy’ by Southeast Asian politicians, underscores the challenges and complexities within the political landscape.

    Upcoming election on February 25th is for the Senate. The legislative upper chamber in Cambodia goes by the name of the Senate, with a total of sixty-one members. Among them, two are designated by the king, an additional two are chosen by the lower house of the government, while the remaining fifty-seven undergo popular elections by electors from provincial and local governments—a system reminiscent of the Senate in France. Members of this chamber serve terms lasting six years.

    Cambodia’s Senate elections unfold within notably constrained parameters, even within the local context. The electorate is limited to National Assembly lawmakers and members of the 1,652 commune councils, a mere 11,747 individuals. Consequently, the election outcomes merely reflect the dominance of the CPP in these bodies. Of the 62 Senate positions, 58 are determined by these groups, with the King appointing two senators and the National Assembly electing two more. In the previous national election, the CPP secured an overwhelming victory, claiming 120 out of 125 seats in the National Assembly. The commune council elections in 2022 further solidified their control, capturing 74.3 percent of the vote, securing 1,648 out of 1,652 commune chief positions, and 9,376 out of 11,622 available commune council seats. While the Candlelight Party managed to win 2,198 commune council positions, its impact on the Senate election remains limited. The anticipated appointment of Hun Sen as Senate president on Sunday is widely perceived as a predetermined result.

    The role of the Senate president is largely ceremonial, stemming from power-sharing negotiations after the 1998 election. Created not out of legislative necessity, but as a means to establish a new power base for the late president of the CPP, Chea Sim, after he relinquished his position as National Assembly president. While the Senate theoretically holds the power to review and propose changes to laws passed by the National Assembly, it has seldom exercised this function, often simply approving legislation from the lower chamber. So, The Senate presidency will just add to the array of honorary positions held by the 71-year-old Hun Sen in the twilight of his career. These include the presidency of the CPP and the presidency of the Supreme Privy Council to the King, a position deemed to have “equal rank” to that of the prime minister

    Despite the largely ceremonial nature of the Senate presidency, it holds one significant power – the authority to act as the interim head of state when the King is absent. While the likelihood of any potential challenger utilizing this role to undermine Prime Minister Hun Manet, who assumed office in August, is low, Hun Sen’s occupancy of the Senate presidency serves as a precautionary measure. Although last year’s power transition to Manet unfolded smoothly, the prospect of internal challenges within the existing power structure always looms. By assuming this position, Hun Sen strategically fortifies his son’s position and preempts any potential threats to his control over the legislature. This week, Hun Sen’s youngest son, Hun Many, was appointed as a deputy prime minister, solidifying the family’s presence in key positions across the administration and ensuring their continued influence over Cambodia well beyond Hun Sen’s lifetime.

    As the Senate Election campaign concludes, participating political parties now pivot their attention towards the imminent election and the ensuing vote counting slated for this weekend on Sunday. Hang Puthea, the spokesperson for the National Election Committee, has reassured the public of the seamless progression of the campaign unfolding between February 10 and 23. Registered political parties actively engaged in campaigning, nominated candidates, and, despite the overarching uncertainties regarding governmental responsibilities, the process has been characterized as running smoothly. This has provided eligible parties with ample opportunities to actively participate and present their cases to the electorate.

    Yet, the entire democracy in Cambodia can be viewed as comedy. Countries like Cambodia have turned the democratic process into a farcical performance, and the upcoming Senate election appears to be just another episode in this narrative. The dynastic grip on power ensures that the nation remains a mere pawn in the hands of a ruling family, sharing the stage with the royals, making a mockery of the democratic principles at play.