Tag: Elections 2024-25

The Progress Singapore Party (PSP) emerged as a promising force in Singapore’s 2020 general election. As a new entrant, it secured nearly 10% of the national vote and won two seats in Parliament, marking a strong debut in a tightly controlled political environment. Alongside the dominant People’s Action Party (PAP) and the well-established Workers’ Party, PSP was one of the few opposition parties to gain parliamentary representation. Its performance in Parliament was notable, and it ran several effective, sometimes bold campaigns that gained significant traction on social media. 

However, the 2025 general election results proved a stark reversal of fortune for PSP. Despite competing against established parties like the People’s Action Party (PAP) and the Workers’ Party, the scale of PSP’s decline was unexpected. The party lost all its parliamentary seats and saw its vote share drop by nearly 5%, marking a significant setback that now compels it to rethink its political strategy and future trajectory.

What happened to the PSP?

In the 2025 General Election, the Progress Singapore Party (PSP) contested only 13 seats, a significant reduction from the 24 it fielded in 2020. The party framed this downsizing as a strategic move to better allocate its limited resources. However, political observers suggested that this decision may have contributed to a decline in its vote share, reinforcing the perception that the PSP was no longer a serious contender in the race.

Analysts pointed to the party’s continued dependence on the leadership and personal appeal of its founder, Dr. Tan Cheng Bock, whose popularity was central to the PSP’s strong debut in 2020. Efforts to cultivate a lasting identity beyond Dr. Tan, however, appeared to have faltered. Despite the presence of party chief Leong Mun Wai and first vice-chair Hazel Poa as Non-Constituency Members of Parliament (NCMPs), many voters perceived a lack of strong or alternative leadership within the party.

At 85, Dr. Tan remained the face of the PSP during the 2025 campaign—likely his final run. The party fielded candidates in six constituencies, where it garnered between 24.17% and 39.99% of the vote. Despite deploying its so-called “A-team” of Dr. Tan, Mr. Leong, and Ms. Poa in the West Coast–Jurong West GRC, the PSP failed to secure a seat. With the Workers’ Party now set to take the NCMP positions, the PSP looks poised to lose all its representation in Parliament.

Observers noted a clear decline in Dr. Tan’s influence compared to the 2020 election, when he was seen as a towering figure in opposition politics. At the time, the PSP leveraged Dr. Tan’s online appeal, particularly among younger voters, during a campaign marked by pandemic restrictions. His use of youth slang and his self-styled persona as a trend-savvy grandfather captured widespread attention on social media.

In the 2025 campaign, the PSP emphasized its ability to challenge the People’s Action Party (PAP) in parliamentary debates, pointing to the performance of its two NCMPs. Yet, as analysts noted, electoral success in Singapore ultimately hinges on a party’s ability to address voters’ everyday concerns at the constituency level—something the PSP was unable to do effectively.

A Failed Manifesto

Observers noted that some of the Progress Singapore Party’s policy proposals may not have resonated with voters. The party’s manifesto outlined over 60 initiatives, including a reversal of the Goods and Services Tax hike, the introduction of a universal minimum wage, and a plan to make public housing more affordable by exempting Singaporeans from land costs—unless they later choose to sell their flats.

Other proposals included nationalizing the MediShield Life and CareShield Life insurance schemes, implementing statutory retrenchment benefits, and imposing a $1,200 monthly levy on Employment Pass holders. The manifesto also called for expanded mental health services and an increase in annual leave entitlements from seven to 14 days.

While some voters may have found these proposals appealing, others raised concerns about their long-term sustainability. Critics argued that the party’s platform tilted too heavily toward populism, a position that could alienate lower-income voters who benefit from government programs like the Assurance Package. The PSP also seemed to struggle with engaging middle-income voters, who typically prioritize fiscal responsibility and balanced policymaking.

As one analyst put it, while identifying issues that resonate with the electorate is straightforward, the real challenge lies in offering credible and feasible alternatives. In that regard, the PSP’s manifesto fell short.

Can PSP Survive?

The Progress Singapore Party (PSP), originally formed as a small splinter from the People’s Action Party (PAP), is still in its early stages. Despite a promising start, the party now faces significant challenges and can only progress if it effectively repositions itself. In the 2025 General Election, while the PAP raised key national issues and the Workers’ Party (WP) offered well-defined counterarguments, the PSP struggled to carve out a distinct presence.

The way PSP addresses its current difficulties will determine if it secures a lasting role in Singapore’s political landscape or fades into the background like many other nominal opposition parties. Another point of concern is the party’s internal stability. Since its founding in 2019, PSP has undergone four leadership changes. Most recently, Leong Mun Wai was re-elected as secretary-general on March 26, marking his second term after taking over in April 2023, making him the fifth person to lead the party. These frequent changes have raised questions about the party’s internal cohesion.

PSP now stands at a crucial juncture. The disappointing outcome in the 2025 election highlights the urgent need for the party to reassess its direction and reinvent itself in order to maintain its credibility as a political force.

The most intense campaign for Singapore’s general election in recent memory concluded on Thursday, May 1. There’s no denying that this year’s election broke free from the dull, predictable contests of the past. Posters adorned lampposts and street signs in every contested constituency, while candidates filled stadiums, delivering impassioned speeches and engaging in sharp exchanges. On the final night of campaigning, parties held 11 rallies and aired one last round of speeches, each hoping to leave a lasting impact before the midnight deadline.

The issues ranged from rising living costs to identity politics, igniting a nationwide conversation. Prime Minister Lawrence Wong and opposition leader Pritam Singh emerged as central figures, energizing the electorate like never before. Whether this fervor will lead to higher voter turnout on May 3rd, polling day, remains to be seen. But one thing is certain: this election represents a clear break from the passive campaigns of the past, signaling a more vibrant future for Singapore’s political landscape.

Defining Moments of a Fierce Election

Looking back at the Singapore general election campaign, it began with a dramatic nomination day, marked by surprise redeployments within the People’s Action Party (PAP) and the first walkover since 2011. Opposition parties quickly went on the offensive. The Workers’ Party (WP) challenged the PAP on key policy issues. The Progress Singapore Party pushed for a minimum wage, while the Singapore Democratic Party called for more affordable public healthcare.

By the end of the first three days, the battlegrounds of Tampines GRC, Punggol GRC, and the single-seat constituency of Jalan Kayu had emerged as focal points of the campaign. Still, the early contest remained relatively restrained. But on the third evening, the tone shifted dramatically. Authorities announced that they had blocked social media posts from three foreign individuals—including Malaysian politicians—who were accused of attempting to influence voters. One of them, Singaporean religious teacher Noor Deros, had praised the Workers Party and criticized Minister-in-charge of Muslim Affairs Masagos Zulkifli. He claimed to have spoken to all of the WP’s Malay candidates and urged them to raise religious issues.

The incident shifted the election’s focus abruptly, and the PAP quickly capitalized on it. Prime Minister Lawrence Wong condemned the posts, emphasizing that identity politics had no place in Singapore and that religion should remain separate from politics. Without naming any party, he called for restraint. The WP responded by distancing itself from the controversy, clarifying that it had made no deals or commitments for political support, and steered the conversation back to broader policy issues.

As the campaign neared its conclusion, tensions escalated. Prime Minister Wong accused the WP of engaging in negative politics. In turn, WP leader Pritam Singh countered, claiming that the PAP had long relied on such tactics, pointing out the institutional disadvantages faced by opposition MPs—such as being excluded from presiding over citizenship ceremonies, typically led by defeated PAP candidates.

At midnight on May 1, the curtain fell on one of the most contentious election campaigns in recent memory.

The Final Rallies Were Effectively Used

After nine intense days of campaigning, Prime Minister Lawrence Wong, positioning himself as a steady and responsible guardian of Singapore, emphasized the gravity of the upcoming election as citizens prepared to cast their votes. Speaking at his third major rally in Punggol GRC on the final day, Wong made clear that this election was not just about securing parliamentary seats, but about shaping the nation’s future direction and identity. He urged voters to look beyond the numbers, stressing that the election was about shared values, collective aspirations, and the kind of country Singaporeans want to build. Addressing a packed crowd at Yusof Ishak Secondary School, following earlier stops in Sengkang and the May Day Rally, Wong called for unity over division, integrity over misinformation, and action over political showmanship.

Acknowledging that the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP) is not without flaws, Wong admitted that mistakes had been made, but underscored the party’s commitment to transparency, learning from its errors, and striving for continuous improvement. He made it clear that the PAP was prepared to take the more challenging road, if it was the responsible and right one.

Wong also highlighted the critical importance of leadership in the current moment, referencing the upcoming retirements of senior figures such as President Tharman Shanmugaratnam, Teo Chee Hean, Heng Swee Keat, and Ng Eng Hen. He warned that the simultaneous departure of several senior leaders could leave a leadership vacuum during a crucial period. A vote for the PAP, he argued, would ensure that a competent, dedicated team would continue to guide Singapore through difficult times, providing the leadership necessary for the nation’s continued progress and security.

Meanwhile, at their final rally, Workers Party (WP) candidates made their closing appeal to voters. Party chair Sylvia Lim, contesting in Aljunied, reminded Singaporeans of the weight of their vote and the power of the electorate to shape the nation’s future. Speaking at the WP’s closing event, the candidates launched pointed criticisms at the ruling PAP.

WP chief Pritam Singh spent much of his nearly 30-minute speech rebutting Prime Minister Wong’s criticisms, particularly the concerns over the potential departure of Deputy Prime Minister Gan Kim Yong. Singh argued that the focus should be on Wong’s own leadership, accusing the Prime Minister of dismissing the WP’s concerns as irresponsible. Singh also pushed back against the PAP’s assertion that a stronger opposition would weaken the government, questioning whether Wong was suggesting that he lacked enough capable individuals to staff his Cabinet. 

He ended with a final appeal to voters, asserting that the WP had proven itself to be a resilient and principled force, and urged Singaporeans to remember a defining message: the Workers’ Party is a force for good.

Then, What’s the Mood Now?

Opinion polls are banned, so we must rely on reporters’ observations from various media outlets. However, one thing is clear: this campaign has been far more intense than previous ones. The ruling PAP has positioned itself as the party best equipped to ensure continued progress, safeguard the nation, and lead Singapore through challenging times. It has painted the opposition as a threat to the system, accusing them of engaging in destructive tactics and racially divisive politics.

In an unexpected turn, the Workers Party (WP) has adopted a more confrontational approach this time. What began as a call for change has transformed into a strong push for a larger opposition presence in Parliament as a crucial step toward reform. While other parties remain in the race, the contest has increasingly narrowed to a showdown between the PAP and WP.

Despite the criticisms directed at Singapore’s democracy, this heated campaign demonstrates that politics in the country remains dynamic and robust. In the end, it plays an essential role in the ongoing development of its democracy.

As the U.S.–China trade war continues amid an increasingly tense and ego-driven relationship, Southeast Asian countries—the ASEAN member states—find themselves in a difficult position. They rely on both powers for economic growth and development projects, yet now face pressure from both sides. Although ASEAN countries differ in their political alignments—some leaning toward the U.S., others toward China—they share a desire to strengthen regional cooperation through a more unified and operational trade bloc. However, U.S. tariffs and China’s strategic efforts to pull ASEAN into its sphere of influence have created significant tension.

The U.S. has imposed heavy tariffs, ranging from 10% on Singapore—despite it not having a trade surplus with the U.S.—to 46% on Vietnam, a communist state aiming to replicate China’s success as a global manufacturing hub. At the same time, China has warned ASEAN countries against trying to appease the U.S. in hopes of securing tariff reductions, further complicating their diplomatic balancing act.

In this challenging environment, ASEAN states are looking for a third partner—one that is less politically demanding than either the U.S. or China. Europe has emerged as an appealing alternative, offering trade opportunities without the burden of geopolitical rivalry. 

The well-mannered relationship

The European Union has long maintained a strong and cooperative partnership with Southeast Asian nations, particularly through its engagement with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). For over four decades, the EU and ASEAN have cultivated steady dialogue across economic, trade, and political domains.

The EU is ASEAN’s third-largest trading partner, while ASEAN ranks as the EU’s fifth-largest. In 2011, total trade in goods and services between the two regions reached $265 billion, with ASEAN enjoying a trade surplus of $25 billion. Moreover, the EU remains the largest source of foreign direct investment in ASEAN, accounting for 24% of the region’s total FDI.

Historically, EU exports to ASEAN consisted largely of manufactured goods. As ASEAN has transitioned from a commodity-based economy to a manufacturing hub, its exports to the EU have shifted significantly—from raw materials such as rubber, palm oil, and wood to higher-value goods like electronics, textiles, and garments. Trade in services between the two regions has also grown substantially in recent years.

To deepen this partnership, the EU and ASEAN conduct regular ministerial dialogues and convene ASEAN–EU Business Summits. In 2007, the EU launched negotiations for a region-to-region Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with ASEAN. However, talks progressed slowly and eventually stalled in 2009, leading the EU to pursue bilateral agreements instead. A comprehensive FTA was concluded with Singapore in 2012, followed by negotiations with Vietnam, Thailand, and Malaysia—with talks with Malaysia particularly advanced. The EU is currently close to finalizing FTAs with Indonesia and Thailand. In January, it agreed to restart trade negotiations with Malaysia, and discussions with the Philippines resumed last year. 

For many Southeast Asian nations, strengthening ties with the EU is increasingly viewed as a strategic and balanced choice. While the EU may not match the U.S. in market size, it offers stable trade relations without entanglement in global politics. In return, the EU views Southeast Asia as a vital region for projecting soft power and gaining access to cost-effective manufacturing.

This growing EU–ASEAN relationship is rooted in mutual respect and shared interests. It is marked by well-mannered diplomacy—free from coercion, bullying, or threats—and is thus seen by many governments in the region as a natural and dependable alliance.

People See the EU as the Best Option

People in Southeast Asia view the European Union positively, seeing it as a respectful and non-threatening partner in a polarized global landscape. They increasingly regard aligning with the EU as a dignified and strategic choice. The latest annual survey by the ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute shows that trust in the EU among policy influencers across ASEAN and Timor-Leste rose from 41.5% in 2024 to 51.9% in 2025.

The survey, which collected responses from over 2,000 individuals — including academics, civil servants, researchers, business leaders, and civil society actors — assessed global powers based on their contributions to peace, prosperity, and governance. Although the EU saw a slight decline in its appeal as a “middle power” between the U.S. and China, it remains the top choice, ahead of Japan and India.

EU officials welcomed the findings. Ambassador Sujiro Seam noted that the EU continues to be ASEAN’s preferred strategic partner, while Chris Humphrey of the EU-ASEAN Business Council credited the improved perception to Brussels’ more pragmatic stance on environmental policy.

Analysts link the EU’s growing favorability to rising uncertainty around U.S. foreign policy under President Trump, with 47% of respondents identifying his administration as a major geopolitical concern.

This trend offers a clear signal to Southeast Asian governments and ASEAN as a whole: continuing to deepen ties with the EU is both practical and politically wise.

The challenges are there.

ASEAN member states maintain varying alignments with global powers, making a unified strategic pivot toward Europe difficult amid complex internal political dynamics. Singapore, Malaysia, and the Philippines enjoy strong ties with the United States, while Myanmar, Cambodia, and Laos are more closely aligned with China. Indonesia and Thailand, for their part, continue to balance relations between the U.S. and China.

Domestic political factors further complicate the prospect of deeper engagement with the EU. Many ASEAN leaders have longstanding ties with external powers, rendering any decisive shift toward a single bloc politically delicate. Moreover, the EU’s emphasis on progressive values may clash with the region’s deeply rooted conservative and religious structures, making political alignment even more challenging.

Yet politics is only part of the equation. Economic pressures are pushing ASEAN states to seek more stable and less politicized partnerships. Trade disruptions and tariffs have strained regional economies, fueling interest in alternative economic relationships. In this context, the EU—with its open markets and relatively low political interference—emerges as a compelling partner, second only to the United States. Strengthening ties with Europe is thus not merely a diplomatic option—it has become an economic necessity.

After a high-stakes Nomination Day, political parties in Singapore kicked off their election rallies on April 24, injecting fresh momentum into the country’s political landscape. The ruling People’s Action Party (PAP) launched its campaign at Woodlands Stadium in Marsiling-Yew Tee GRC, where Prime Minister Lawrence Wong addressed supporters—delivering his first election rally speech since taking on the dual roles of Prime Minister and Secretary-General.

Across the island in Sengkang, the Workers’ Party, led by opposition leader Pritam Singh, held its own rally, while other opposition parties—including the Progress Singapore Party (PSP), the Singapore Democratic Party (SDP), and the People’s Power Party (PPP)—also kicked off their campaigns.

Although digital outreach now dominates the political scene, politicians and supporters have warmly welcomed the return of in-person rallies after the pandemic-era hiatus. These rallies give parties across the political spectrum a chance to connect with voters, showcase their strength, and shape the narrative in what is emerging as a closely contested election.

Wong Calls for Unity in First Rally

At his first in-person rally as Prime Minister and Secretary-General of the People’s Action Party (PAP) at Woodlands Stadium in Marsiling-Yew Tee GRC, Lawrence Wong called for unity and urged opposition parties to refrain from exploiting sensitive issues or using domestic politics to divide Singaporeans. Despite political differences, he emphasized that all Singaporeans must remain united. Wong also cautioned that external events, such as the wars in Europe and Gaza, could influence public sentiment and deepen divisions. While such matters are open for discussion in normal circumstances, he warned that during an election campaign, they risk being exploited for political gain. If Singaporeans are not vigilant, Wong stressed, the country could risk undermining its unity. He underscored the importance of upholding multiracial politics and safeguarding unity, particularly in relation to national interests, sovereignty, and Singapore’s global standing.

As the final speaker of the evening, Wong, the incumbent anchor minister for Marsiling-Yew Tee GRC, was met with the loudest applause from the crowd. He reminded Singaporeans of the gravity of the global situation—a theme he has consistently referenced since the election announcement—and emphasized that the stakes go beyond party politics. Once the election concludes, he stated, the real challenge will be not PAP versus the opposition, but Singapore versus the world—a small, vulnerable nation facing a volatile global landscape.

In addressing the rising cost of living, exacerbated by global tariffs and trade tensions, Wong outlined the government’s proactive measures. Early in 2025, the government rolled out support programs such as CDC and SG60 vouchers, as well as utility rebates. A typical family of four with two young children is set to receive approximately $5,000 in assistance this year, with additional support directed at more vulnerable households.

Wong also responded to concerns regarding job security and career prospects for students. He shared that a national task force, led by Deputy Prime Minister Gan Kim Yong and coordinated by labor chief Ng Chee Meng, had been established to address these challenges. The task force is focused on helping businesses retain workers and expanding initiatives such as traineeships, skills upgrading, and job-matching programs.

Looking ahead, Wong reiterated the PAP’s commitment to long-term policy reform, citing the Forward Singapore initiative, which has already brought significant changes in education, healthcare, and housing. He highlighted the introduction of a new classification system for HDB flats as part of these reforms.

He also acknowledged the desire among seniors to age in place. While community care apartments have been introduced, demand continues to outpace supply. To address this, new housing models are being explored to allow seniors to remain in their homes while having convenient access to care and support.

While rallying support for the PAP, Wong noted the growing influence of the opposition, which is determined to expand its reach. He pointed out that the Workers’ Party is maintaining most of its MPs in their existing wards to secure their seats, while deploying new candidates to enhance its presence in Parliament.

Wong noted that Red Dot United, contesting its second election, is fielding 15 candidates—the second-largest opposition slate after the Workers’ Party, which is fielding 26. He also highlighted that other opposition parties, including the Progress Singapore Party, Singapore Democratic Party, and National Solidarity Party, are each contesting at least 10 seats. Wong stressed that the upcoming election will be a tough contest and that he is not taking a PAP victory for granted.

WP Wants Diversity

Pritam Singh, leader of the Workers’ Party (WP), urged Singaporeans to vote the party into Parliament, emphasizing that it has consistently proven itself to be a responsible and constructive force in times of crisis. Speaking at a rally in Sengkang on April 24, Singh addressed concerns over geopolitical tensions, particularly the U.S.-China trade war, and cautioned voters not to be swayed by political tactics. He reassured them that the presence of rational, responsive, and respectful WP MPs in Parliament would serve to strengthen, not weaken, Singapore.

Singh, the final speaker of the night, followed a series of WP candidates who addressed critical issues such as the rising cost of living and the need for diverse voices in Parliament. He argued that the WP has provided credible alternatives and has been instrumental in challenging groupthink in policymaking, offering ideas to reduce reliance on foreign labor and improve worker protections. He noted that the WP’s manifesto presents a concrete and realistic vision, in contrast to the vague, feel-good rhetoric often seen from the PAP.

He stressed the importance of an opposition that holds the government accountable. Singh declared that the WP’s mission is to pressure the government to improve by voicing the real concerns of Singaporeans. His goal is to establish a balanced political system that prevents unchecked power.

Singh also called on citizens to actively participate in shaping Singapore’s future. He referenced Hougang residents, who have shown resilience for decades, encouraging others to adopt a similar spirit.

Others also opened rallies.

The Progress Singapore Party (PSP), the third-largest party in Parliament, held its rally at Bishan, where speakers addressed critical issues such as job security, the rising cost of living, the need to check the dominance of the People’s Action Party (PAP), work-life balance, and senior citizens’ well-being. Tan Cheng Bock, the founder and chairman of PSP, stressed the necessity of opposition voices in Parliament to prevent groupthink, especially as many PAP candidates are drawn from the civil service and the armed forces.

The party’s secretary-general, Leong Mun Wai, accused Singapore’s fourth-generation leadership of losing their way. He criticized the government for raising the goods and services tax (GST) to 9 percent despite ongoing inflation and the economic challenges left by the pandemic. 

The Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) also held its first rally at Choa Chu Kang Stadium. Party leader Chee Soon Juan addressed the crowd, claiming that Singaporeans are struggling with rising living costs, which he attributed to “the PAP’s very own making,” rather than global trends.

Meanwhile, the People’s Power Party (PPP) conducted a rally in Tampines at Temasek Junior College. PPP secretary-general Goh Meng Seng criticized the Workers’ Party (WP) and its leader, Pritam Singh, accusing them of betraying voters in the Marine Parade-Braddell Heights GRC by not contesting there, which led to a walkover for the PAP. Goh also took aim at various government policies, including the national Covid-19 vaccination drive.

The spirit of a multi-party contest was palpable throughout the rallies, with parties presenting themselves as strong challengers to the PAP’s dominance and engaging in vigorous debates over the nation’s future.

Although last-minute surprises are a familiar feature of Nomination Day during Singapore’s general elections, April 23, 2025, proved to be one of the most dramatic in recent memory. Both the People’s Action Party (PAP) and the Workers’ Party (WP) made unexpected moves that caught even seasoned observers off guard. The day unfolded with the ousting of incumbents, the debut of fresh faces, surprise withdrawals, constituency reshuffles, and the prospect of multi-cornered fights—transforming what is typically a procedural event into gripping political theatre.

With the PAP and other major parties now having unveiled their full slates, the electoral battlefield has come into sharp focus, and candidates have wasted no time hitting the ground.

Ministers on the move

The ruling People’s Action Party (PAP), the sole party contesting every seat in the upcoming election, is fielding 32 new candidates—the most extensive leadership refresh since it assumed power upon Singapore’s independence in 1965. This generational shift coincides with the departure of several key veteran leaders, including Defence Minister Ng Eng Hen and Senior Minister Teo Chee Hean, who served as Deputy Prime Minister throughout Lee Hsien Loong’s two-decade tenure. Deputy Prime Minister Heng Swee Keat, once regarded as a leading contender for the premiership, has also announced his exit from electoral politics.

In the days leading up to Nomination Day, there was widespread speculation that the PAP might hold senior ministers in reserve, prepared to be deployed to vulnerable constituencies. Two days before the close of nominations, Senior Minister Teo revealed that he would not contest Pasir Ris–Changi GRC, sparking speculation that he might be reassigned to the adjacent Punggol GRC.

On Nomination Day itself, Deputy Prime Minister Heng made an unexpected appearance at Yusof Ishak Secondary School—the nomination centre for both Punggol and East Coast GRCs—further fueling rumors of a last-minute reshuffle. However, it was ultimately DPM Gan Kim Yong who submitted his nomination papers as the PAP’s anchor candidate for the newly formed Punggol GRC, doing so just 20 minutes before the deadline.

Meanwhile, Manpower Minister Tan See Leng was reassigned to Chua Chu Kang GRC to replace Mr. Gan, leaving Marine Parade–Braddell Heights GRC without a ministerial leader at its helm. Prime Minister Lawrence Wong explained the reshuffle by noting that DPM Gan’s move to Punggol was aimed at ensuring the presence of senior leadership in the constituency following SM Teo’s departure, as well as securing a more balanced distribution of the party’s top leadership across the island—should the PAP retain power.

WP’s Surprise Walkover Gift to PAP

The Workers’ Party (WP), Singapore’s main opposition force with long-term ambitions of securing a third of Parliament, is fielding just 26 candidates in this election. One of the most surprising developments came at Kong Hwa School, the nomination centre for Marine Parade–Braddell Heights GRC, where the WP was notably absent. Even party supporters who had gathered there were caught off guard. By the close of nominations, the WP had not fielded a team, resulting in the constituency becoming the only walkover of the election — the first since 2011 — and drawing sharp criticism from other opposition parties.

Critics argued that the WP had effectively ceded ground it had been cultivating since 2015, leaving approximately 130,000 voters without a choice at the ballot box.
Party chief Pritam Singh later explained on social media that the decision had been very difficult, a result of redrawn electoral boundaries and resource constraints. He said the party had concluded—after much reflection and careful consideration—that to continue advocating for the principles and reforms it believed in, and to give its candidates the best chance of electoral success, it needed to focus its efforts this election on a smaller number of constituencies than originally hoped.

Nonetheless, the last-minute nature of the withdrawal drew criticism from some opposition figures, who said they might have fielded candidates if given more notice.
Meanwhile, the WP kept its stronghold in Aljunied GRC largely intact, with party leaders Pritam Singh and Sylvia Lim remaining in place. Vice-chairman Faisal Manap’s shift to Tampines GRC set the stage for a fiercely contested four-way fight against the PAP, NSP, and PPP. Similarly, prominent new candidate Harpreet Singh Nehal was fielded in Punggol GRC rather than East Coast GRC, where he had initially been spotted.

Multi-Cornered Fights Underway

Five other constituencies are set to witness intense multi-cornered battles involving more than two parties. Tampines GRC will see a four-way contest among the PAP, Workers’ Party (WP), People’s Power Party (PPP), and National Solidarity Party (NSP). In Sembawang GRC, the PAP will face a three-way challenge from the NSP and the Singapore Democratic Party (SDP). Ang Mo Kio GRC will also be contested by three parties: the PAP, PPP, and Singapore United Party.

Two single-member constituencies will likewise host three-cornered fights. In Potong Pasir, PAP’s Alex Yeo will go up against Lim Tean, leader of the People’s Alliance for Reform (PAR), and the Singapore People’s Party’s Williamson Lee. Radin Mas will see a contest between independent candidate Darryl Lo, PAP’s Melvin Yong, and PAR’s Kumar Appavoo.

Mr. Lo is one of two independent candidates in this General Election. The other, Mr. Jeremy Tan, will challenge PAP’s Goh Sze Kee in Mountbatten SMC.

Heated days are coming.

While the country near the equator braces for more heat in the coming days, the political temperature is also rising. The walkover—marking the first in 14 years—may suggest the opposition’s ongoing struggle against the PAP, but the political intensity is palpable, setting this election apart from previous ones. Nomination Day made that clear.

In the aftermath of the drama, parties wasted no time; their candidates hit the ground running, and banners and posters went up overnight. Regardless of the election outcome, one thing is certain: the events of April 23 have injected an element of unpredictability into Singapore’s political landscape. This shift is perhaps a sign of the natural evolution of Singapore’s maturing democracy.

On the surface, in an election where the ruling party seems set to maintain power, manifestos may appear ceremonial. Yet in Singapore’s finely balanced democracy, they remain essential—blueprints of intent and declarations of vision. Each manifesto reveals a story: of priorities, promises, and the nation each party hopes to shape.

Ahead of GE2025, every major party has released its manifesto, offering insights into their hopes for Singapore’s future. Though differing in tone and detail, their platforms share a common goal: progress, both economic and social.

While this general election may not dramatically shift the political landscape, it is far from symbolic. It holds meaning for the ruling party, aiming to renew its mandate, and for the opposition, working to expand its presence. Each party enters the race with focus, treating every vote and seat as meaningful.

Now under the microscope of public and media scrutiny, these manifestos reflect the seriousness of the moment. And together, they underscore a quiet but vital truth: in any democracy worth its name, ideas still matter.

PAP for a Brighter Future.

The People’s Action Party (PAP) unveiled its manifesto on April 17, titled Changed World, Fresh Team, New Resolve – Securing a Brighter Future for You, signaling a generational shift and a renewed call for trust under new leadership. Departing from past visuals of sweeping skylines, this year’s campaign video features Prime Minister Lawrence Wong—PAP’s newly appointed secretary-general and the first leader outside the Lee family—speaking plainly against a grey backdrop.

For Wong, this election is more than a political test—it’s a personal referendum. The nine-chapter manifesto outlines the PAP’s vision in an era of heightened uncertainty, addressing perennial concerns like the cost of living, affordable housing, and job stability, while also promoting a more inclusive and modern definition of success.

Many proposals draw from Forward Singapore, a policy roadmap launched in October 2023 after consultations with over 200,000 citizens—a shift from PAP’s traditionally top-down governance style. Rather than sweeping reforms, the manifesto offers refinements across key areas like family support, employment, and retirement.

In his campaign message, Wong emphasized steady leadership and continuity in turbulent times. As Singapore confronts a more complex world, the PAP is not only seeking a renewed mandate but inviting voters to place their faith in a new generation prepared to lead.

PAP Manifesto

WP Presents Alternative Ideas

The Workers’ Party (WP) released its manifesto on the same day, spanning 122 pages, with the first 10 pages standing out as particularly notable. While the party traditionally outlines its views, intentions, and proposals, this time, it also emphasizes its impact on public policy.

In the introduction, the party explains that although it is not in government and cannot directly implement policy, many of its proposals have been adopted in some form, ultimately benefiting Singaporeans.

The manifesto highlights 15 key policies where the party has made a tangible impact. These include the new SkillsFuture Jobseeker Support Scheme, which provides financial aid to retrenched workers, shorter waiting times for Build-To-Order flats, and the Healthier SG program focused on preventative health.

Additionally, the manifesto presents 125 policy proposals across five main areas: affordability and cost of living, economic growth and opportunities, inclusion and equality, accountability and democracy, and security and geopolitics.

In his message to voters, WP chief and Leader of the Opposition, Pritam Singh, emphasized that the party aims to offer alternative ideas that will lead to better outcomes for both the country and its people.

PSP with Progress for All

The Progress Singapore Party (PSP) has unveiled its manifesto, which includes a wide range of policy proposals, such as reducing the Goods and Services Tax (GST) and imposing a levy on employment pass holders. The manifesto outlines over 60 proposals across six key areas: cost of living, housing, jobs and wages, social safety nets, education, and governance.

A standout proposal is the introduction of a quota for employment pass (EP) holders, aimed at helping smaller companies hire a higher proportion of skilled foreign workers. The PSP argues that this quota would strike a fairer balance between Singapore’s relatively small population and the global talent pool, while ensuring that companies can still hire qualified foreign professionals within the system.

Acknowledging the difficulties small and medium-sized enterprises face in securing skilled foreign talent, the PSP views this quota as a way to alleviate staffing challenges. The party also proposes introducing a monthly levy of S$1,200 to maintain fairness between Singaporean and foreign professionals, managers, executives, and technicians.

The party proposes that the government cover the basic premiums for MediShield Life and CareShield Life for all citizens to address growing concerns about healthcare expenses. This plan aims to ease the financial burden on elderly and middle-class Singaporeans, who worry about rising health insurance costs.

PSP Manifesto

Other Manifestos Matter Too

The Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) revealed its manifesto on April 20, presenting bold proposals such as pricing new HDB flats between $90,000 and $270,000, making maternal and pediatric healthcare largely free, reducing the Goods and Services Tax (GST) to 7%, and abolishing the PSLE. Structured around six broad pillars spelling out “Thrive,” the manifesto includes over 40 proposals covering fair taxation, universal healthcare, environmental sustainability, rational immigration policies, a voluntary housing redevelopment scheme, and an education system designed to foster creativity and equity.

Red Dot United (RDU) released its 24-page manifesto on April 19, proposing unconditional cash transfers to help Singaporeans manage rising costs, along with a policy ensuring that all HDB flats qualify for redevelopment to preserve their value. The party also advocates for stronger support for small and medium-sized local enterprises.

On the same day, the Singapore People’s Party (SPP) launched its 16-page manifesto, titled “It Is Time,” which covers nine themes, including economic equity and sustainable public transport. Among its proposals, the SPP suggests distributing annual budget surpluses as CDC vouchers, increasing aid for low-income families, and halting any GST hikes unless the budget deficit exceeds 3% of government revenue for three consecutive years.

The SPP also calls for progressive taxation, proposing higher income taxes for the top 2% of earners, and advocates for reinstating estate duty for ultra-high-net-worth individuals.

As the General Election approaches, voters have two weeks to evaluate these competing visions for Singapore’s future. It remains to be seen how many of these ideas will influence the direction of the next People’s Action Party (PAP) government.

Singapore is getting ready for an important chapter in its politics, with its first prime minister outside the Lee family preparing for a general election. As leader of the People’s Action Party (PAP), Prime Minister Lawrence Wong is stepping into a charged electoral atmosphere, seeking to gain public support, reaffirm the PAP’s role in shaping Singapore, and emphasize the party’s importance in a changing regional landscape.

Speaking on March 26, Wong stressed that the upcoming election is about more than just securing a strong mandate for the PAP. He highlighted the need for a united and resilient Singapore to navigate global uncertainties and ensure continued growth, underscoring the high stakes of this election.

Once again, the PAP stands ready.

Wong Raises Global Politics

This time, Wong is addressing the changing regional political dynamics with his people, emphasizing the importance of navigating these shifts safely and highlighting how he and the PAP are crucial for this task. It appears he also aims to present himself as a more significant figure in regional politics to his own people, positioning himself as a leader capable of guiding both Singapore and the region safely.

Prime Minister Wong spoke to Singapore reporters in Hanoi before returning home after a two-day visit to Vietnam, his first since becoming prime minister in May 2024. He mentioned that his introductory visits to various ASEAN countries – including Brunei, Malaysia, Laos, Indonesia, and Thailand – have strengthened his relationships with regional counterparts, affirmed Singapore’s partnerships with these key neighbors, and identified new areas for cooperation.

Wong highlighted that the changes occurring in the world are clear to everyone, pointing out a profound shift in the global order. He noted that competition is intensifying, and trade barriers are becoming more prevalent. Additionally, he explained that great power rivalry is on the rise, and it increasingly feels as though countries are focusing inward, with stronger nations using aggression or coercion to pursue their interests at the expense of smaller nations.

Nevertheless, Wong emphasized that if ASEAN nations unite as a collective, they would be much stronger and better able to stand their ground.

PAP Refreshes

The media conference sparked discussions about Singapore’s upcoming election, with Wong emphasizing the PAP’s commitment to strengthening the nation, maintaining regional stability, and securing Singapore’s place on the global stage amid growing challenges. He also reaffirmed his dedication to bringing fresh perspectives and added value to the party to ensure the country’s long-term success.

When asked about his efforts to recruit new candidates for the PAP, Wong highlighted that during the party’s conference in November 2024, he reiterated his focus on leadership renewal. He stressed that revitalizing both the PAP and its leadership remains a top priority.

Wong explained that he has devoted considerable time to this process over the past one or two years. While he acknowledged that he could have taken a more gradual approach and continued with the current team, he emphasized that without renewal, the long-term consequences would become apparent in the next 10 to 15 years. He cautioned that stagnation would not only affect the PAP but also impact Singapore and its people.

He also spoke about his efforts to engage and persuade individuals to enter politics, expressing satisfaction that some, including public servants, have answered the call.

PAP for Stability

It is almost certain that the PAP will win, securing another term for Wong and maintaining Singapore’s current trajectory. The party assures stability, positioning itself as the force that will guide the nation through the geopolitical turbulence surrounding it. Wong’s message is clear—there is no need to seek alternatives when the PAP promises continuity and renewal. Supporting the PAP, he suggests, is synonymous with safeguarding Singapore’s future, ensuring both personal security and national stability. The underlying message is unmistakable: choose the PAP, or risk uncertainty and disruption.