Tag: India

  • How Bad Is the India-Canada Relationship Now?

    How Bad Is the India-Canada Relationship Now?

    India, the most populous country in the world, is experiencing an era of emigration. Many people from India are moving to different countries for various reasons, including a lack of opportunities, poor wages, and substandard living conditions. Canada, an English-speaking country in need of manpower, has become one of the preferred destinations for many Indians seeking a new life. The two countries had a good relationship, given that both are former British colonies, advocates of democracy, and have a history of Indian Prime Ministers being invited to participate in the Canadian Parliament. Immigration processes have been smooth, as Canada needed workers, and India provided them. Over time, technically skilled Indians and wealthy individuals chose Canada as their second home, and they were welcomed there, unlike many from the Middle East and Africa, whose impact on the economy was perceived differently.

    However, later migrations included individuals with anti-Indian sentiments, Islamists, extremist Sikhs, and those who had committed crimes in India. These groups found a home in Canada and became a major problem for India, ultimately straining relations between the two countries to their lowest point. Extremist Sikhs can be said to be the focal point of recent tensions between India and Canada. Sikhism, an independent religion that can be considered influenced by both Hinduism and Islam, has a significant presence in the Indian state of Punjab, Delhi, and the Pakistani part of Punjab. There is also a considerable Sikh population in the UK and Canada dating back to the 19th century.

    Sikhs have been demanding a separate country in the Indian subcontinent since Muslims garnered a separate nation, Pakistan, in the region. This movement gained momentum in Punjab, driven by various Sikh groups that began demanding the creation of a state called Khalistan, which the Indian Union opposed. This led to numerous deadly conflicts between the Indian Union and these groups, with some turning into highly dangerous terrorist organizations. These groups conducted various terrorist activities in Punjab, including the assassination of India’s Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi.

    The West was also part of this issue. The Sikh population in Canada and the UK were strong supporters of the separatist Khalistan movement and heavily funded these organizations. Western countries, not favoring a potential superpower in Asia that might support the Soviet Union, were keen to destabilize the Indian Union. They supported separatist organizations in Pakistan, Kashmir, and even Portuguese continuation in India. These countries also played a role in fostering Sikh sentiments in their regions, contributing to the tensions surrounding the Khalistan issue.

    The tensions between Canada and India began to escalate around the same time the Khalistan issue emerged in the mainstream, with India frequently accusing Canada of allowing its soil to be used for conducting terrorist activities in India. On June 23, 1985, a terrorist attack occurred on Air India Flight 182, a passenger flight from Toronto bound for London, UK, over the Atlantic Ocean. The explosion resulted in the deaths of approximately 329 people, including 268 Canadian nationals, most of whom were of Indian origin, and 82 children. Even though it was one of the deadliest terrorist acts Canada has ever seen, the tragedy did not receive the serious attention it needed, and only one person was found guilty. India is still not happy with the way the case was handled. Over time, the issue faded from the Canadian mainstream, as India believes Canada did not want to label Khalistani supporters as terrorists.

    The longstanding tensions between Canada and India reached a critical point after Narendra Modi, a Hindu nationalist, gained power in India, and Justin Trudeau, actively seeking support from Sikhs, became Prime Minister of Canada. Trudeau has been actively involved in Indian internal matters, such as the farmers protests, which involved many Sikhs, and has not shied away from criticizing India. Additionally, videos from Canadian Sikhs calling for attacks on India have exacerbated the situation. Along with that, Trudeau raised allegations of Indian government involvement in the killing of Hardeep Singh Nijjar, a Sikh separatist leader labeled as a terrorist in India. Trudeau made a speech  in the House of Commons about “Credible allegations of a potential link” between the Indian government and Nijjar’s killing, despite no evidence having been produced to date.

    These incidents led to a deterioration in diplomatic relations between the two nations, resulting in the expulsion of top diplomats from each side. India dismissed the charges as “Absurd” and motivated. On September 20, India issued warnings to its citizens in Canada, advising them to exercise caution due to increasing anti-India activities. The following day, India suspended visa applications from Canadians until further notice. Canada also took similar action and updated its travel advisory, warning its citizens about potential anti-Canada protests and anti-Canadian sentiments, and placed India in the high-risk country category, citing not only potential protests but also high levels of terrorism in India. India’s concerns were further heightened when Gurpatwant Singh Pannun, a key leader of the Khalistan movement and spokesperson for Sikhs for Justice, advised Indo-Canadian Hindus to leave Canada.

    India asked Canada to withdraw approximately 40 of its diplomats in October, and Canadian officials confirmed that 41 diplomats and their dependents had left India, leaving 21 remaining. Canadian Foreign Affairs Minister Melanie Joly further confirmed that India’s revocation of diplomatic privileges was unilateral and that Canada would not issue a similar mandate for Indian diplomats. As the diplomatic row deepens, a new video of Gurpatwant Singh Pannun, the spokesperson of Sikhs for Justice, surfaced in which he issued a threat to people planning to travel via Air India on November 19, the day of the cricket World Cup final, a major sporting event in Ahmedabad, stating that their “Lives would be in danger.” Despite this, the Canadian government has not taken significant actions against extremists and continues to comment on Indian internal matters, including India’s stance on minorities. This situation has led to serious mistrust between the two countries, bringing their relationship to its lowest point.

    Now, the issue is not as hot as the previous year, but the relationship remains in a bad condition, with neither side willing to withdraw from their stance and further exacerbating it. Canada and India are two countries that can help each other in various fields. India’s human resources, technological capabilities, and tremendous markets can be beneficial for Canada. Conversely, Canada is a dream destination for many Indians, and the two countries can cooperate in various sectors. However, the failed immigration policies of Canadian politicians have opened a route for some of India’s problematic elements to enter Canada. This has led to increasing xenophobia towards Indians, which is clearly visible on social media. This unregulated migration from India to Canada is also negatively affecting India. Previously, India’s best talent moved abroad, but now more people who pose a threat to India’s reputation are migrating. Leaders of both countries need to address this issue. With Narendra Modi having secured a third term, it is certain that Canada will need to work with him. If these matters are handled with a focus on temporary political gains, both countries will likely suffer.

  • What’s Happening Between Modi and the RSS?

    What’s Happening Between Modi and the RSS?

    India’s general election is completed, and Narendra Modi and his Bharatiya Janata Party(BJP)  have formed a government. However, the result is still causing wonder among political analysts in India. Everyone predicted a third Modi government, but no one expected BJP to fall below the majority. When we analyze the election results in India, we can understand that there was no significant anti-incumbency and the opposition was not strong enough to challenge Modi. Yet, Modi did not achieve a single-handed majority like his previous two terms. Indian media have been searching for reasons from the day of vote counting, and one interesting factor they found is that the RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh), the parent Hindu nationalist organization of BJP, did not cooperate with BJP as they did in previous terms. This is evident from the dipping vote percentages, the loss of votes in strongholds, and the failure of BJP candidates who were selected over RSS nominees.

    Narendra Modi entered the public space as an ordinary worker of the RSS, and the RSS supported him in attaining all the positions he got in his political career. He still works with the RSS’s agendas, no doubt about it. However, a strong, disciplined organization will never like individuals who grow larger than the organization itself. Over the last two terms, Modi has grown larger than the RSS, and of course, larger than the BJP. The last government was criticized for not being an NDA (Alliance led by BJP) government or a BJP government, but a Modi government. All decisions were taken single-handedly by Modi and his team. Modi was raised as an idol, and all the campaigns for the last general election were in the name of Modi, like “Modi ki Guarantee”, Some people started chanting his name with slogans for Hindu gods, like “Har Har Modi” instead of “Har Har Mahadev”, which definitely hurts a Hindu organization. This idolization became more evident when Modi took the priest role in the inauguration of the Ayodhya temple, the biggest election topic raised by the BJP. Modi himself even announced during the campaign that he is a representative of God. Further worsening the situation, during the campaign, the BJP chief and Modi supporter, JP Nadda, publicly stated that the BJP had grown to a level where they did not need assistance from the RSS. This was definitely a statement that could hurt RSS associates, who were already angry that Modi did not do enough with the RSS’s agendas, despite having a superior majority in Parliament. This resulted in dipping vote percentages and losses in the BJP’s secure seats.

    Many believe the tiff between BJP and RSS is a result of ego clashes among leaders of both organizations. Despite RSS maintaining calm during the election period and avoiding statements, after the results, they criticized the bitter campaigning by both the ruling party and the opposition in the recent general election. In a rare public comment on politics, though it included criticism of the opposition, it was clear the target was BJP. Mohan Bhagwat, the chief of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), also demanded urgent attention to be given to the strife-torn remote state of Manipur, a security failure during Modi’s rule that has often been reported as neglect by Modi. In his first comments after the election results last week, Bhagwat said the election should be viewed as a competition and not a war, and criticized parties for comments that stoked religious divisions. He stated on Monday in Nagpur that the kind of statements made in campaigns, the manner in which both sides criticized each other, and the lack of concern for social divisions resulting from their actions raised serious concerns about the country’s operation. “The opposition is not an opponent”, he said, in what appeared to be a dig at the BJP, which sharply criticized the opposition and even called “Congress Mukt Bharat ”, which means  the washing out of the main opposition party from Indian Politics. 

    Analysts believe that within BJP, a group has developed under the leadership of Modi and Shah, which is cornering the RSS leadership. Interestingly, RSS has not maintained the same level of firmness against the Indian National Congress in previous times. Therefore, if the relationship between RSS and BJP worsens, it will have a seismic impact on Indian politics, although the likelihood of this happening is low. Both parties know they need each other. Even though Modi garners neutral votes, there are not many other leaders in BJP who can cultivate the same popularity among the common people. Considering this is Modi’s last term according to BJP’s age limit program, BJP cannot sustain its machinery and leadership without RSS. Possibly, the successor of Modi will be decided by RSS. For RSS, if BJP is not in power, they will face challenges similar to those during the Indian National Congress’s time. Therefore, both RSS and BJP need each other, and despite any discontent between leaders, it is believed, they will ultimately cooperate with each other.

  • Third Modi Government Inaugurated With a Multitude of Ministers

    Third Modi Government Inaugurated With a Multitude of Ministers

    Narendra Modi commenced his third term in the Prime Minister’s office after completing two full terms, marking him as the first prime minister to achieve this since Jawaharlal Nehru, the founding Prime Minister of the Republic. The oath ceremony took place at the Rashtrapati Bhavan, the President’s Palace, on the evening of June 9th. The Prime Ministers and Presidents of neighboring countries, including the Maldives President who has taken an anti-India stance, attended the ceremony. A large crowd, including politicians from different parties, movie stars, and businesspeople, witnessed the oath ceremony. An interesting fact is the inclusion of a mammoth 71 ministers in the third Modi government, which has many members from parties allied with the Bharatiya Janata Party. It’s clear that the third term will be more of an NDA (National Democratic Alliance) government, unlike the previous BJP-dominated NDA governments, where the BJP single-handedly had the majority.

    Modi’s new government retained key figures from the last government. Members from almost every alliance party, as well as BJP leaders from states where elections are scheduled in the upcoming months, were included. The ministries for senior ministers haven’t changed. Rajnath Singh, senior and former Home Minister, took the oath after Modi and is expected to be the second person in Modi’s ministry, continuing in the Defense Ministry.

    Modi’s right-hand man Amit Shah, the RSS (the BJP’s parental organization) nominee Nitin Gadkari, the female face of Modi’s government Nirmala Sitharaman, and bureaucrat-turned-politician Subramanian Jaishankar are all included in the new ministry with the same roles they held in the last Modi government. Other important inclusions are Shivraj Singh Chauhan, who ruled the state of Madhya Pradesh for 15 years and achieved repeated victories but was forced out from the role of Chief Minister; he is now included in Modi’s ministry. The leader, who was once expected to become Prime Minister, was awarded the important Agriculture Ministry. Other former Chief Ministers who were removed from power by the BJP Central body, like Manohar Lal Khattar from Haryana and Sarbananda Sonowal from Assam, are also included in the Cabinet. Former Chief Ministers from alliance parties, such as HD Kumaraswamy from Karnataka and Jitan Ram Manjhi from Bihar, have been awarded cabinet ranks. Another important inclusion is the current BJP President JP Nadda, who is expected to step down from his post and has been given the Health Ministry.

    Modi’s third government ensures participation from almost all states. Out of the 71 total ministers, 30 will be in cabinet rank and 41 will be Ministers of State (MoS), with 5 of those having independent charges. Among the 72 ministers, 7 will be women. As in previous terms, women are underrepresented. Modi has ensured representation of almost all major communities, including Dalits, Brahmins, Christians, Sikhs, etc., but there are no Muslims.

    Despite significant pressure from major alliance parties, the BJP has retained all important ministries. However, they were forced to scrap the decision to reduce the number of ministries and cut costs. It is expected that, as in the previous Modi government, there will be a reshuffle before state assembly elections, including ministers from the states approaching elections. So far, apart from the NCP, which was not given cabinet rank ministers, there have been no significant objections, suggesting that Modi and his team have successfully managed the demands of their alliance partners.

    Modi’s third term will be interesting as they cannot push the Hindu nationalist agendas as aggressively as in the previous term, but it’s hard to imagine a Modi rule without promoting Hindu agendas. For the most part, India’s next five years will be governed under a common minimum program, with consultation from all parties in the NDA. Political observers are predicting more horse-trading of MPs to increase the number of BJP MPs. Some believe that if Modi can’t rule independently, he might resign, and there could be another prime minister within these five years. However, it is certain that Modi will not be awarded another term because he will exceed the age limit set by the BJP. As all the potential successors, except Yogi Adityanath, are in the cabinet, the performance of these ministers will be closely monitored. In short, an important five years is impending for Indian politics.

  • Modi Warned by Indian Voters

    Modi Warned by Indian Voters

    We love you, Modi. We need you, but we will not provide you with excessive power. This is the exact outcome of the Indian general election 2024. Narendra Modi, India’s Prime Minister, who was seeking a third consecutive term, failed to capture a majority single-handedly as he did in the previous two elections and is now forced to collaborate with allies. As per the latest report, it is certain that Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party-led NDA will clinch power with 300 MPs, including independents who won in the election. However, the election results are contrary to celebrated predictions, which gave Modi a single-handed majority of 300 MPs out of 543. Many believe this unexpected election result is part of voters concern that securing a continuous mandate in favor of Modi could lead to authoritarianism and push him towards the collapse of the republic founded in 1950, ultimately leading to a Hindu nation.

    There were reported instances of authoritarianism and threats to the secular Indian republic during Modi’s second tenure and even during the campaign for this general election. Opposition figures who were reluctant to join BJP were punished by detective agencies, and the main opposition party, Indian National Congress, had its funds frozen at a time when they were in dire need. Additionally, all media, business tycoons, and movie stars aligned with the BJP, and the campaigns often turned into hate campaigns. Modi’s campaign highly idolized himself with slogans like ”Modi ki Guarantee” and he frequently boasted that he would win 400 seats while the opposition would not even cross 50. However, something different happened, as the election results proved.

    Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party can form a government, no doubts about it. BJP won 240 seats out of 543. No one is nearer, and the main opposition party Indian National Congress collected only 99 seats. There is no need to compare these two parties to determine the winner by tally. But Modi faces humiliation in India’s social media space because he alone couldn’t reach the 272 mark, the majority. Social media finds it amusing with the amount of money they used, the machinery they deployed, and all the tactics to tackle opposition chances. BJP still didn’t get the result they expected, and now they are relying on other parties. They are no longer invincible in India. 

    People appreciate Modi’s charisma and Indians admire his leadership. However, it’s crucial to acknowledge that they may not fully endorse all of Modi’s unilateral actions; they prioritize safeguarding the constitution and halting authoritarian tendencies. Now, the BJP must broaden its alliances and foster more discussions among its allies and opposition, a departure from the previous term. Despite Modi’s assurance of continuing with allies, it remains to be seen how long he can sustain a united front. Modi previously ruled single-handedly, establishing his own brand by marginalizing other ministers and exercising control over every ministry. Going forward, this will not be feasible as they will have allies with differing interests. Modi can move forward, with parties like the Telugu Desam Party and Janata Dal United ready to join the BJP in a possible BJP-led NDA government. However, they may not fully support Modi’s policies and the BJP’s foundation agendas, which lean towards Hindu nationalism. Consequently, Modi faces constraints.

    The performance of opposition parties deserves applause, even though they failed to displace Modi. The Indian National Congress, which won 99 seats this time, doesn’t need to plead with the BJP for the official opposition leader post, which wasn’t granted in the previous two instances. The election results also favored the alliance led by the Indian National Congress, marking a resurgence for its leader Rahul Gandhi, who traveled across India to regain lost ground, although his leadership was previously questioned. The Samajwadi Party, the third-largest party in the election results, caused a major upset by breaking the BJP’s fortress in Uttar Pradesh and reducing seats for the Bharatiya Janata Party, securing 37 seats. Other parties in the opposition alliance, such as the Trinamool Congress and Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, also performed well but fell short of toppling Modi’s dominance. However, the election results will undoubtedly boost the opposition alliance and parties, enabling them to raise issues like unemployment more prominently in the public sphere. It is expected that Indian media will finally allocate screen time to opposition parties as well.

    Indian democracy, frequently criticized by the West and seen as a bad example for democracy. But the election results show how Indians value their democracy and how they make decisions to safeguard the republic each time. Even though they did not punish Modi like they did with the previous autocracy wisher, Indira Gandhi, by giving all the mandate to the opposition bloc, they sent a strong message to Modi that the republic will be preserved. The possible next government by Modi will likely emphasize development programs instead of pushing Hindu agendas. For Modi, it’s time to review his actions and correct them; he has acted more like a king than a Prime Minister. So, the election results are good for Modi, good for the Opposition, and good for the republic.

  • India Entering A Political Circus

    India Entering A Political Circus

    Indian politicians and political parties are well known for their flexibility. They can shift sides sacrificing their political aims and stances to secure administration and power. This trend was common in the 1990s when several governments formed in New Delhi without a single majority, mixing up different ideological parties. Even parties that fought each other in Lok Sabha General elections would form alliances to form a government. There are several examples of this phenomenon; we even saw the Hindu Nationalist Party, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and the Anti-Hindu Ideology Party, Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), coming together solely for the objective of forming a government, only to fail and soon after, find another partner. This trend, which badly affected India’s growth and the credibility of Indian politics, was diminished with the entry of Narendra Modi into national-level politics. He secured the magical number to form the government single-handedly in the general election. BJP formed the government with a single-handed majority but added their close allies ceremonially in 2014 and 2019. There was no scope for political circuses. Though the election results for the 2024 general election are coming out, BJP doesn’t have a single-handed majority, and is offering a great time for Political Circus again.

    While the Election Commission of India still has not officially published the full election results, the media is already announcing the outcome of the marathon Indian general election, stretched over seven phases and spanning over three months. It dealt a huge blow to predictions and opinion polls, which had anticipated more than 350 seats for the BJP-led alliance out of the 543 total constituencies, foreseeing an easy victory for the BJP. Even though the BJP emerged as the largest party after the election, it fell short by 32 seats  (at the time of writing) for a majority, which is 272. The main opposition party, INC, nearly doubled its previous seat count to 100, and with their alliance, they posed a tough fight for the BJP. At first glance, it may seem that the BJP-led alliance could easily form a government as they have a tally above the 272 mark. However, this is where India’s political circus comes into focus. The BJP-led alliance includes Janata Dal United (JDU), with 12 seats, and the Telugu Desam Party (TDP), with 16 seats. They are known for their swing politics, having previously cooperated with the Indian National Congress. If they receive a favorable offer, they may jump to the opposition alliance, and to the hope of the Bharatiya Janata Party, these swing parties could also align with the BJP. Interestingly, besides the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Indian National Congress, everyone seems capable of switching sides.

    Even Though Modi can climb to the prime minister post for the third time, it’s sure it will not be the same as the previous Modi government. As the importance comes for the local parties which can help BJP to touch 272 mark, they can’t agree with the supremacy of Modi in Government,  idolizing and celebrating him in the government programs, and direct control of the Prime minister’s office in ministries. Sure, there will be opposition from allies. While BJP makes a mixture of the different politics in NDA, it’s sure different interests of each party will collide, Possible allies Janata dal united and Telugu Desam Party have regional interest and they uphold secularism over BJP’s Hindu nationalism. So bringing the bills in parliament, especially the bills projecting BJP’s ideologies, will be challenging unlike previous times. BJP’s flagship objectives like Uniform civil code, unification of Indosphere, which is widely expected to be carried on Modi’s third term with a great majority,  is in limbo now. Probably Allies, which projects secularism and regionalism will not cooperate with them.

    Indian circuses, widely known in the name of Bombay circuses were great entertainment to  watch and the current scenario in Indian politics after the general election results, with scope for a possible political circus will also be expected to offer entertainment. BJP has the upper hand, as they are still the biggest party, but who is going to stay with them is important. Before election results were announced, BJP leaders started talks with its current allies and parties in opposite blocs. BJP previously formed several state governments, by effectively catching the parties from the opposition bloc. The same strategy is expected by BJP here and they will form a government at whatever the cost. And INC the second biggest party, and Samajwadi Party third biggest party, they are allies now and They will probably wait, to watch the happenings, and they will try their best to  topple the BJP-led government, there is now more scope for them. The General election results clearly show BJP losing their tight grip in Indian Political space, and give negotiation capacity for small parties. It is sure that Modi’s third government will be completely different from the previous two terms.

  • Can Modi’s Third Term Bring Akhand Bharat Closer?

    Can Modi’s Third Term Bring Akhand Bharat Closer?

    Only one phase of polling remains out of the seven phases of the marathon Indian general election, which has stretched over three months. On July 4th, the election results will be published. Even though predicting the minds of a billion people is challenging, the media are forecasting an edge for the incumbent Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who is expected to secure a consecutive third term. If a strong leader like Modi and Hindu Nationalist Party  awarded a continuous third term, it is expected that there will be more actions fulfilling the long-held wishes of Hindu organizations, with a priority on the formation of Akhand Bharat, a greater Indosphere, stretching Afghanistan to Myanmar, including all South Asian countries.

    Last year, on the occasion of the inauguration of India’s new parliament building, a mural was unveiled that depicted a map of the Maurya Empire under Ashoka. This map, instead of modern India, sparked controversy and criticism from several of India’s neighboring countries, as almost all of them were part of that ancient empire. Mumtaz Zahra Baloch, then spokesperson for the Pakistani Ministry of Foreign Affairs, condemned the mural, branding it as an expression of revisionism and expansionism. Similarly, the junior minister for foreign affairs of Bangladesh voiced concerns, noting widespread discontent over the depicted map. Additionally, numerous Nepali politicians voiced their apprehensions about the mural.

    While India appears to be employing a strategy akin to China’s, which asserts claims over neighboring territories using the Qing Dynasty map, it has not assuaged the concerns of its neighbors. Responding to these concerns, Arindam Bagchi, the spokesperson for the Indian Ministry of External Affairs, conveyed that the mural embodies the concept of responsible and people-centered governance championed by the ancient king Ashoka and the Maurya empire. However, it is evident that the map aligns with the agenda of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which advocates for a revival of India’s past glory. Politicians in the BJP, including Minister of Parliamentary Affairs Pralhad Joshi, proudly declared it as a symbol of Akhand Bharat, the Pan-Indian country, asserting it as their destiny.

    Narendra Modi and his Hindu nationalist right wing party, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), have often been accused of far-right politics that aim to revive India’s ancient histories and mythologies. He frequently speaks about restoring India to its former glory. Modi also made headlines with his promotion of the ancient name “Bharat” instead of the Western name “India” and by making  a strong objective of reclaiming the Pakistan-held territory of Kashmir.

    Akhand Bharat has been a long-standing demand since the Indian independence movement. The call for the creation of Akhand Bharat has occasionally been raised by various Hindu nationalist organizations, including the BJP’s parent organization, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). The RSS textbook included a map that depicted Pakistan and Bangladesh as part of “Akhand Bharat,” along with post-partition modern India. Additionally, a trade union magazine from the same organization extended this concept to include Nepal, Bhutan, and Myanmar. Moreover RSS, there are many other organizations advocating for this idea, such as the Hindu Mahasabha, Vishva Hindu Parishad, Shiv Sena, Maharashtra Navnirman Sena, Hindu Sena, and Hindu Janajagruti Samiti. There is even one organization named the Akhand Hindustan Morcha that has this goal in its name. Many Hindu organizations believe that Akhand Bharat, stretching from Afghanistan to Myanmar and from Kashmir to Sri Lanka, is the true country they deserve. They advocate for this region, collectively called Akhand Bharat, as it reflects the ancient Hindu empires that once covered this entire area. They claim evidence for their pan-nation theory exists in the languages and cultures of these regions.

    According to these Hindu organizations, Mughal and Islamic rule, referred to as Ottoman colonization, and British colonization caused the decline of the greater Indosphere, the pan-nation. They believe that when the demand for Indian independence was ignited, Britain, who not wanting a superpower in Asia, conspired with the Indian National Congress under Nehru to fragment India and lose these territories. The subsequent Congress government neglected the idea of Akhand Bharat.

    However, they believe this is the perfect time to achieve this goal. Under Modi’s regime, they think they can reunite these territories with India and restore Akhand Bharat. Modi’s BJP aspires to continue ruling until 2047, the 100th anniversary of the Republic of India, and they believe it will happen during this period. BJP politicians have already expressed a desire to officially rename India to Bharat, its ancient name. Additionally, they have spoken about reclaiming Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, which was lost in the early years of independence. BJP supporters frequently use the map of Akhand Bharat in their campaigns to garner public support.

    Many believe that for those who support pan-India, the route to unification will be driven more by the economy than by the military. As India becomes economically richer and is expected to be the third-largest economy in the next decade, with per capita GDP also showing signs of improvement, there is a chance for closer collaboration with neighbors, potentially leading to an economic union or a strong confederation. Other countries in the region, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and Myanmar are all facing deep economic crises and are largely reliant on China’s support. For Afghanistan and Pakistan, their opposition to India is primarily due to rising Islamic identity and funding from the Middle East for Islamic governance. However, it appears that the Middle East is now less interested in Islamic propaganda and these countries are now more connected with Chinese money. But Sri Lanka serves as an example of how a country can suffer from relying on Chinese money, and the Maldives might follow. These small countries reluctance towards India is only because of Chinese financial support. If Chinese financial support diminishes, countries like the Maldives, Nepal, Bangladesh, and Myanmar may have no other option but to collaborate with India. Bhutan already seems to be a collaborative country. These collaboration is expected to follow the confederation and the Akhand Bharth. 

    It’s certain that India will not attempt to induce unification into a single country through military means in the near future, as the Hindu organizations wish. Such actions would significantly hinder India’s goal of becoming a developed country by 2047. Instead, the BJP is likely to adopt a more tactical approach using economy, market, Media and Movies etc. With the interests of the United States, China, and Saudi Arabia in the region waning, increased financial investment and Indian influence could lead to greater cooperation and potentially a strong union, making Akhand Bharat a possible reality. If Modi continues into his third term, he will likely work towards this goal, as it is not only his vision but also a long-time demand of the BJP’s parent organization. It is certain he cannot move forward while ignoring it. Therefore, the result of the 2024 general election in India is not only important for India but also for the entire region.

  • West Bengal And Its Criminal Politics

    West Bengal And Its Criminal Politics

    West Bengal, an eastern province in India, was once considered the think tank of the country, producing a row of talents that India was proud of, including Rabindranath Tagore, Asia’s first Nobel laureate in literature, and Oscar-winning director Satyajit Ray, among many others. However, now West Bengal is infamous for politically affiliated criminal gangs and their lethal conflicts. Almost every month, there are reports of violent political gang wars, with the government led by Mamata Banerjee, leader of the All India Trinamool Congress, frequently accused of supporting these criminal activities. Following last year’s notorious Panchayat (Local Body) elections, it was reported that almost 50 people lost their lives. Political violence in rural Bengal continues unabated. Local body leaders are being killed, party offices are being set on fire, and opposition party workers are being brutally attacked. Events like those in Sandeshkhali, where party leaders turn into powerful authorities and rule through criminal activities, preventing other parties from conducting political activities, are not isolated incidents. These issues persist as West Bengal faces another significant election for the Lok Sabha in Delhi.

    Along with Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, West Bengal is one of the few states in India where polling is spread across all seven phases of the marathon election, largely due to security concerns arising from political feuds. The Election Commission chose to conduct elections by selecting a small number of constituencies in each phase to provide tight security for the election process and to allow security agencies to take complete control of violence-prone hotspots, thus avoiding deadly fights. Despite tight security by different state and central agencies, sporadic incidents of violence were reported across the state during the six completed phases. The Election Commission of India reported receiving nearly 1,000 complaints following the last phase alone, and police noted clashes and threats in various areas. Each phase has witnessed significant violence, whereas the rest of the nation, including volatile Kashmir, has hosted elections peacefully. Interestingly, despite the high political tensions, a higher voter turnout was recorded in Bengal, in contrast to the lower responses seen in the rest of India.

    West Bengal is a crucial battleground in the Lok Sabha elections, contributing 42 seats to the 545-seat Lok Sabha (House of Commons), making it the third-largest contributor after Uttar Pradesh and Maharashtra. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), aiming for a third consecutive term, needs to secure more seats from the state, having won only 18 out of 42 seats previously. The All India Trinamool Congress (AITC), the current ruling party in the state, is also strongly contesting the ongoing general election. The intense rivalry between these parties is leading to disastrous street fights and other criminal activities in the state. Formerly dominant parties like the Indian National Congress, and India’s biggest communist party, the Communist Party of India (Marxist), are also contesting the Lok Sabha election, but this time as allies, turning it into a three-way fight between the BJP, AITC, and the CPIM-Congress Alliance.

    While the ruling All India Trinamool Congress (AITC) and BJP are now leading the violent politics, many experts believe that the past Communist years, which lasted for a long time, laid the groundwork for the current situation. The Communist Party of India (Marxist), or shortly CPIM, dominated the political sphere from the 1960s onward, displacing the Indian National Congress (INC) in the state. Like most communist governments worldwide, CPIM established groups capable of quashing political opposition in their strongholds. In some places, these groups evolved into more violent factions, including Naxals, who opposed the Indian Union. Even though CPIM distanced itself from Naxals, CPIM-supported groups, criminal gangs became increasingly common in West Bengal. The long rule of a single party, the bureaucratic culture of communism, economic decline of the state, and lack of employment all contributed to the evolution of political gang culture in Bengal. When CPIM was removed from power after a long tenure, many of these gangs migrated to the All India Trinamool Congress, where they continued their criminal activities. Interestingly, these gangs then started to target CPIM, their former supporters. However, with Narendra Modi’s seismic entry into national politics, the Bengal landscape was also shaken. The BJP replaced CPIM as the prime opposition party, possessing the finances, ideology, and power to challenge Trinamool Congress. And Bengal became the arena for these two heavyweights, further splitting the gangs into AITC-linked and BJP-linked factions. Many analysts fear that the BJP’s entry into Bengal may escalate political gang wars along communal lines, as the party represents Hindu nationalism, while Bengal’s large Muslim population, many of whom migrated from Bangladesh, stands firmly with the Trinamool Congress, paving the way for a potential communal clash in the future.

    We cannot deem it democracy when violence becomes the means to seize power. However, in Bengal, violence is increasingly becoming a tool for political parties to assert control and uphold their dominance. Political parties shamelessly nurture individuals associated with violence. Police and judiciary intervention is limited due to extensive support for gangs from lawmakers. We cannot expect an end to this cycle as both state and central governments are complicit in using these criminals, regardless of their party affiliations. However, The decline of Bengal persists, with no concerted efforts to rectify the situation.

  • The Hindu Rivalry in Maharashtra Politics

    The Hindu Rivalry in Maharashtra Politics

    Maharashtra, the richest state in India, has always been a stronghold for Hindu politics. It boasts a proud history with Chhatrapati Shivaji, the king who established a strong Hindu kingdom and fought against the Islamic Mughal Empire. The Hindu Maratha Kingdom and Shivaji remain sources of pride for Maharashtrians even today. Many organizations in Maharashtra claim Shivaji’s succession. Shiv Sena, one of the biggest political parties in Maharashtra, is a group of proud followers of Shivaji, formed by Shivaji devotee Bal Thackeray. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the current ruling party of India, also supports Shivaji’s pro-Hindu ideology. Naturally, the Hindu nationalist BJP and the Hindu regionalist Shiv Sena became allies, forming joint governments in Maharashtra. However, following interesting events after the 2019 general election, a serious crack formed in the relationship. These former Hindu brothers became the worst of enemies and now find themselves on opposing fronts, engaging in fierce battles against each other to remove the other from Maharashtra Politics.

    Maharashtra, including India’s financial capital, Mumbai, contributes the second-largest number of members to the Lok Sabha (House of Commons). After populous Uttar Pradesh, the 48 MPs from Maharashtra are crucial for forming the government in Delhi, making its politics always significant for Indian politics. Like many other Indian states, the Indian National Congress (INC) dominated the state after independence, continuously forming governments in the state until the 1990s. However, after Shiv Sena decided to enter parliamentary politics and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) provided strong support, forming a Hindu alliance, the political landscape in Maharashtra changed. The allies clinched power by removing INC. Then, two clear political spheres emerged: the Hindu alliance led by Shiv Sena and BJP, and the secular sphere led by INC and its schism, the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP).

    With Narendra Modi’s entrance into the leadership of the BJP in 2014, the scenario changed dramatically once again. With Modi’s popularity, the BJP rose as the biggest Hindu party in Maharashtra, overtaking Shiv Sena in terms of obtaining seats in the state assembly and parliament. This eventually grew into a serious ego clash, leading to the collapse of their alliance. Shiv Sena then moved to a secular alliance with Congress and NCP, forming a government together at the state level. However, the BJP managed to split Shiv Sena, causing a significant number of Shiv Sena members in the state assembly to move to the BJP side. This led to the toppling of the Shiv Sena government with Congress and NCP. The BJP then formed a government with the splintered faction of Shiv Sena. Through these actions, reminiscent of Hindu mythologies, the rivalry between BJP and Shiv Sena intensified. Interestingly, the Election Commission granted the faction that joined the BJP official status, including the party’s symbol and colors. This marked the complete collapse of Shiv Sena and a thorough victory for Modi and the BJP. The remaining faction, led by Uddhav Thackeray, the son of founding leader Bal Thackeray, continued as Shiv Sena (Uddhav faction) and remained aligned with Congress.

    The ongoing general election is taking place in this tumultuous political landscape. Long-term allies are now fighting each other by leading separate fronts. Whoever secures more seats in the general election will gain an advantage in the upcoming crucial state assembly elections. It’s a race to determine who carries the Hindu legacy and who carries Shivaji’s legacy. The volatile election is filled with toxic comments and is attracting attention throughout the country. The comment of Shiv Sena (Udhav) leaders comparing Modi to Aurangzeb and Narendra Modi’s reply all took the headlines nationwide. Shiv Sena, which lost its official status to the faction that moved to the BJP side, now known as Shiv Sena (Uddhav faction), is fighting alongside their old foes, the Indian National Congress (INC) and the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP). The NCP was also split by the same strategy the BJP used on Shiv Sena. In the alliance, Shiv Sena (Uddhav) will contest in 21 seats, INC will contest in 17 seats, and NCP (Sharad Pawar faction) will contest in 10 seats. Meanwhile, the BJP’s alliance, which includes the Election Commission’s officially recognized factions of Shiv Sena and NCP, will see the BJP contest in 28 seats, the official Shiv Sena faction in 15 seats, and the official NCP faction in 4 seats. With five phases of the election in the state, only one phase remains, scheduled for May 20th. 

    Opinion polls are predicting a close contest for both sides. Even though Modi remains a popular leader in the state, there is considerable sympathy for Shiv Sena (Uddhav faction), NCP, and INC, which have also lost leaders to the BJP alliance. Many believe that while leaders have jumped to the BJP alliance, the supporters remain with the opposition. Election analysts point out that different vote banks in different sectors, who conventionally do not join, can be stitched together by the alliance of Shiv Sena (Uddhav) and Congress. Hindu nationalists, Muslim voters, and secular voters can join with the alliance. However, Maharashtra is crucial for Modi’s aspiration for a third term, so he is also contesting fiercely. The election result will reveal who is the true Hindu leader in Maharashtra and who is the inheritor of Shivaji’s legacy. So the result day will be a significant day in Maharashtra politics.

  • How the Congress leader’s racist remark stirred controversy in India?

    How the Congress leader’s racist remark stirred controversy in India?

    Racism is an accepted joke in India. It is visible in public spaces, offices, and almost everywhere. Indian movies often depict scenes making jokes about black people and glorifying white individuals. It’s a common trend where villains and hooligans are portrayed as black, while heroes and heroines are white. People from the northeast, primarily Mongoloid, were humiliated by being referred to as other nationalities like Chinese. Furthermore, Southern Indian individuals have been called derogatory terms such as “negroes” by Indo-European people in the northern regions. As Southern Indian and northeastern individuals become more educated and attain better financial conditions compared to northern India, and as they ascend to important positions in government bodies, derogatory jokes of this nature have gradually diminished. However, as the General Election season heats up, the racist comment made by the leader of the Indian National Congress (INC) has once again brought racism in India to the forefront as a contentious issue.

    Sam Pitroda, a telecom entrepreneur, advisor to former prime ministers, and the former chairman of the Indian National Congress’s overseas wing, made a controversial comment that suddenly became a trending topic in Indian political spheres. He stated that over the past 75 years, Indians had thrived in a harmonious environment where people had coexisted, despite occasional disputes. Indians managed to unite a nation as diverse as India, where individuals in the east resembled those from China, in the west like Arabs, in the north like Europeans, and perhaps in the south like Africans. Furthermore, he added that diversity was not a problem at all as Indians considered themselves as brothers and sisters. However, the comments comparing South Indians, predominantly of Dravidian ethnicity, to Africans, and likening North East Indian people to the enemy country Chinese, were suddenly thrust into India’s political sphere.

    The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), facing a tough fight from the Indian National Congress-led alliance in the ongoing general election, found Sam’s comment to be a boon. They cunningly used the comment made by the 81-year-old when only 3 out of 7 total phases had been completed, with remaining places including some in South India, a stronghold of the Indian National Congress. However, the BJP shrewdly exploited the situation against the Indian National Congress, highlighting their British connection and Rahul Gandhi’s Italian heritage, the current leader and star campaigner of the Indian National Congress. The BJP has consistently accused foreign media of aiding the Congress, and this incident was skillfully directed towards the influence of foreign culture on Indian culture. Prime Minister Narendra Modi himself entered the stage, stating that Pitroda’s comment reflects the mindset of the Indian National Congress and their white worship. He added that Indians revere Lord Krishna, who is depicted as black, and do not harbor racist thoughts.

    The Indian National Congress, which was gaining momentum in Indian election campaigns, was severely hit by Sam Pitroda’s comment. Prior to this incident, there was another comment by Pitroda that caused trouble for Congress by suggesting an inheritance tax on the new wealth management system. Modi also used this comment against Congress by interpreting it from another perspective. As Pitrodha repeatedly made controversial statements, Congress removed him from his position and stated they do not support his statements. They accused the BJP of using his statements in a manner that he did not mean, and claimed that the BJP is diverting voters’ attention from the real issues in Indian politics. Some leaders suggest that the Indian culture Modi advocates has more racist elements than Western culture. However, the comments celebrated in the Indian political space will likely trouble the Indian National Congress.

    India is a multi-ethnic, multilingual country. Many wonder how such a country with so much diversity can exist. However, the country demonstrates unity and economic progress. Many believe that comments like those made by Sam Pitroda will affect India’s diverse culture and integrity, while others believe that Indian society accepts this kind of racism as humor and will overlook it. However, timing was crucial, and the BJP effectively used the situation. It’s time to rethink the leadership of INC, the venerable party, as their own leaders consistently lead them into trouble and their victories handed to the BJP. Regardless of the political aspect, such comments have far reaching consequences.

  • What’s Behind The Dip In Voting Percentage In India?

    What’s Behind The Dip In Voting Percentage In India?

    It’s a massive effort being carried out by the Indian government and the Election Commission to conduct the mammoth general election. The voting schedule spans seven phases over a two-month period, involving almost 970 million voters. A significant amount of money is being spent on campaigns to bring almost every voter to the polling booths. Democracy is only complete with the participation of people. Although efforts have been made by the Election Commission and political parties, the first three phases of polls have concluded with a lukewarm response. In the first two phases, there was a dip in percentage turnout, and in the third phase, although comparatively better, it remained low. Why are Indian voters reluctant to cast their votes? Which party will benefit from the low turnout?

    After extensive campaigning by both the Election Commission and political parties for the general election, the first phase of polling was conducted on April 19th, but it marked a decrease in the recorded vote percentage. As many as 102 seats went to the polls in the first phase, with a final turnout of 66.14 per cent, a decrease under 4 percent from 70 per cent in 2019. This phenomenon sparked curiosity in the electoral arena as younger voters, increasingly active on social media discussing politics, are observed to be less engaged in actually casting their votes. All political parties were disappointed as they did not receive the expected turnout. The first phase included Tamil Nadu, a southern state where Modi heavily concentrated, but the voting percentage decreased. There was zero voter turnout in 6 districts in Nagaland amid a shutdown call by some organizations, and the BJP’s stronghold recorded a lower turnout than in 2019. The trend continued in the second phase as well. In the second phase, for 88 seats, the election was conducted on April 26, registering a dip of about 3 percentage points in the voter turnout from 69.64 per cent in 2019. Interestingly, states like Kerala, which usually have a high percentage of voting, also recorded a lower turnout.

    Despite some single-digit percentage decreases, considering India’s mammoth population, there will be thousands of people withdrawing from the voting process, which is a significant blow to Indian democracy. This goes against the trend of increasing voter turnout in the last election when youths were increasingly ready to participate. However, the recent dip shows that youths are not actively participating, posing a threat to democracy. Fortunately, in the third phase of polling, after calls from the Prime Minister and the Election Commission to encourage participation in the election, on May 7th, a turnout of 64.45% was recorded, which is closer to the turnout in 2019. Thanks to Karnataka, Chhattisgarh, and Tripura, but the most populous state with a higher number of constituencies, Uttar Pradesh, continued the trend of decreasing percentage, with only 52.24% voter turnout. This means almost half of the population did not take part in the election, raising concerns for the Election Commission.

    While the Election Commission attributes the lower voter percentage to the harsh summer, with temperatures rising over 40°C and heat waves making people reluctant to vote, there are also political causes behind this decline. As experiencing a dip in voter percentage from 2019, which had propelled Modi and the BJP to power, it surely will affect Modi’s third term wish. A lower turnout indicates that there is no wave for Modi and Hindu vote consolidation. Opposition leaders also point out that the lower voting percentage, with all their votes are ensured, and the high interest among Muslim voters in the election will give the opposition party an edge. Experts believe that people’s reluctance to vote in connection with many believe election results will not bring any change, Modi will surely win his third term, that opinion polls and news channels predict, oppositions have nothing to do with it. They have become disinterested in the election, expecting a sure win for the BJP. Some are also discontent with Modi’s campaign that says they will surely win more than 400 seats, that brings an idea to people that the election result is already decided. Though It is clear that the ruling party will suffer more with a lower percentage, opposition parties also fear that besides party votes neutral votes will not be casted, so, they all are working to fix the issues in the upcoming phases.

    Three out of the seven phases of the Indian general election have been completed, leaving four more phases before the scheduled vote counting on June 4th. However, with several phases still ahead, out of the 543 seats, the election process for over half, 283 seats, has concluded. The remaining places include important states like Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, West Bengal, and Punjab. Political parties are addressing the lower turnout, and they are increasing their efforts to bring more people to the polling stations in the upcoming phases. National leaders, including the Prime Minister, are urging citizens to cast their votes, while the Election Commission is also working to enhance facilities and attract more voters. However, as every vote counts in democracy, people’s reluctance to participate is not a good sign.