Tag: India

  • Potential Third Term Victory Looms for Modi and BJP

    Potential Third Term Victory Looms for Modi and BJP

    Prime Minister Narendra Modi is confident in his assertions. He has reiterated in the previous assembly meetings in parliament, the Republic Day ceremony, and numerous rallies that he will undoubtedly win the upcoming election. He has also stated his aim to secure over 400 seats in the House of Commons. This isn’t mere boasting; Modi is acutely aware of the ground realities. Having started his career as a tea seller and grassroots worker, he understands the pulse of the nation.

    A potential third term would pave the way for the BJP to implement its ideology, such as Hindu nationalism, with greater authority. While many express concerns about the potential authoritarianism and one-party state that a third term for Modi could entail, the opposition seems ill-prepared to counter the BJP’s groundwork and ambitions. 

    The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has already completed seat distribution among its allies and commenced a significant number of candidate selections for the upcoming election marathon. They are confident in their prospects, buoyed by the BJP’s favorable standing in opinion polls. Even though the aspiration of securing over 400 seats out of the total 545 seems ambitious according to current opinion polls, the BJP has a history of surpassing such predictions. In the last Lok Sabha election in 2019, opinion polls underestimated the BJP’s performance, predicting that only alliances could surpass the 272-mark, yet the BJP single-handedly crossed the 300-seat threshold.

    Expanding into regions where the party traditionally had limited presence, such as Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Odisha, and West Bengal, while maintaining dominance in Hindi-speaking states and western India, suggests that the BJP could easily exceed expectations. By positioning strong candidates and allocating seats based on ground surveys and reports, the party is laying extensive groundwork. Indian media’s overwhelming support for Modi and the government is evident, with a focus on celebrating the BJP rather than reporting on common people’s issues. News channels have taken on a quasi-spiritual role, projecting Modi as a spiritual leader and guru, particularly during events like the Ayodhya temple opening ceremony.

    Given the importance of social media in a country with the highest number of smartphone users and mobile connectivity in the world, the BJP’s successful utilization of social media is noteworthy. Their campaigns are saturating Indian cyberspace, further bolstering their electoral strategy.

    The BJP benefits greatly from the weakness of the opposition, particularly the Indian National Congress (INC). While analysts warn of increasing authoritarian tendencies within the BJP, the Indian opposition struggles to compete with Modi, even in media representation. Narendra Modi has openly expressed his goal of achieving a “Congress Mukt Bharat”, aiming to eliminate the main opposition party, the INC, from Indian politics. The INC’s presence in the media and social media platforms has significantly diminished, with their funds frozen due to actions by the tax department. Moreover, notable leaders, including former chief ministers, are defecting to the BJP amidst targeted investigations by the Enforcement Directorate into financial irregularities. This move not only weakens the opposition but also potentially shields those joining the BJP from further scrutiny by the Enforcement Directorate. Alongside these stringent measures against the opposition and the acquisition of media outlets, as well as the expansion of influence over the executive and judiciary, some analysts argue that this trend is leading to the increasing dominance of Modi and the BJP across all spheres of governance.

    Simultaneously, some experts highlight the unpredictability of Indian voters and they argue that opinion polls are pointless. Indian elections are inherently uncertain due to the vast diversity of the electorate, comprising 970 million individuals from various ethnicities, languages, and cultures. With an expected voter turnout of over 60%, the electorate’s highly emotive nature can lead to abrupt shifts in political preferences. Historical events, such as the 1991 general election, where the unforeseen assassination of Congress leader Rajiv Gandhi reshaped the electoral landscape, serve as poignant reminders of this unpredictability. Similarly, the decision by the Vajpayee-led BJP government to call for early elections, despite favorable opinion polls, led to an unexpected mandate for the INC.

    This unpredictability remains a significant factor, offering hope to the opposition until the final polls are concluded. Opposition parties anticipate potential seat losses for the BJP over the course of its ten-year tenure. Additionally, internal conflicts between new BJP leaders who come from other parties  and traditional party figures add an intriguing dimension to the political landscape. The formation of alliances between regional parties and the Congress presents an opportunity to garner diverse support, particularly amidst ongoing issues such as farmer protests, unemployment, and price hikes.

    However, the current dominance of the Indian media, largely funded by BJP-linked business interests, poses a challenge for the opposition. Despite aspirations for a 400-seat victory, the reality remains that the Congress lacks the capacity to diminish the BJP’s majority, touching the crucial 272-mark.

    When Jawaharlal Nehru, India’s inaugural Prime Minister, along with the freedom fighters, embraced democracy in a largely illiterate state, it signified a courageous step forward. Despite facing skepticism and ridicule initially, Nehru diligently fostered a democratic ethos in India. Even amidst criticism, he acknowledged and rewarded journalists and cartoonists for their critiques, showcasing his dedication to democratic principles. However, following Nehru’s era, India experienced a gradual decline in these values, with corruption, dynastic politics, horse-trading, and moral bankruptcy becoming prevalent.

    The BJP, under the leadership of Modi, emerged as a response to the scams and corruption of the previous Congress-led government. Failing to address these issues, Congress paved the way for the BJP’s rise, which now faces an election without many negative factors weighing it down. With its roots in the Hindu nationalist organization RSS, it’s evident that a third term for the BJP would align closely with the RSS’s directives. This third term could potentially redefine India, moving it further away from the principles established by Nehru’s government in 1947.

  • Any Ray of Hope for the Indian National Congress?

    Any Ray of Hope for the Indian National Congress?

    The Indian National Congress, renowned as the architect of modern India and often referred to as the grand old party, still holds significant sway nationwide. However, as India approaches its 18th Lok Sabha election, even the Congress party itself doesn’t foresee surpassing the 272 – mark threshold independently. Despite its pivotal role in the Indian independence movement and subsequent politics, the party now grapples with mounting a substantial challenge against Modi’s potential third term in the upcoming general election. Despite being the second-largest party in parliament, it falls short of the necessary strength to secure the official opposition leader post, lacking a mere 10% of total Lok Sabha seats. This situation highlights issues of faltering leadership, nepotism, and dynastic politics, demonstrating how these factors can erode a political organization over time. With its participation in the newly formed INDIA alliance for the impending election, the prospects of forming a government seem dim. The lingering question persists: Can the Indian National Congress reclaim its former influence and prestige?

    The prevailing uncertainty stems from a noticeable lack of leadership within the party. The absence of strong leaders often undermines political entities. Through its preference for the Nehru dynasty, the Congress party marginalized other noteworthy leaders, resulting in the formation of splinter factions that have significantly diminished the INC’s national standing. Additionally, the neglect to cultivate leaders at the state level has led to the loss of several states. Increasingly, remaining leaders are defecting to the BJP, encouraged by governmental restrictions on Congress funding and the BJP’s use of investigative agencies against Congress figures. Despite Rahul Gandhi’s prominence within the party as the current leader from the Nehru Family, both he and his sister Priyanka Gandhi remain hesitant to directly confront Modi, potentially contributing to a lack of confidence in the current leadership.

    However, the INC is currently in the process of announcing its candidates, though it is contesting fewer seats than in previous elections. The final allocation of seats will be determined by a formula established after deliberations within the INDIA alliance. Despite some dissatisfaction with Modi’s prolonged tenure and his emphasis on Hindutva and Hindu unity to consolidate votes, Congress aims to bring attention to issues such as unemployment and socio-economic challenges. However, financial constraints, fund freezes, and media outlets aligned with the BJP have hindered the dissemination of Congress’s manifesto. Media coverage has largely focused on narratives of Hindu unity and the construction of the Ayodhya temple, overshadowing Congress’s campaign efforts. Despite attempts to revive caste politics to divide Hindu vote banks, these efforts have yet to yield significant results. Furthermore, the BJP has successfully fragmented the Muslim vote bank by supporting regional and Islamic parties like AIMIM in the previous election.

    Although some undemocratic tendencies from the BJP contribute to the current dilemma of INC, political analysts also hold INC accountable. Some INC leaders still anticipate replicating the election results of 2004, when all opinion polls projected INC’s loss but it formed the government. However, analysts argue that the party is in a weaker state than in 2004. INC’s prospects rely on strengthening their party’s foundation, which entails identifying and promoting new national-level figures, given Rahul Gandhi’s declining appeal; he has already failed to effectively challenge Modi. If Congress can present a strong contender against Modi, it could potentially attract all the anti-Modi votes. Yet, there is potential for Congress to address this gap. Moreover, investing in the development of state and local leaders is vital for building a robust foundation. In crucial states like Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, West Bengal, and Bihar, once strongholds of the INC and where numerous Lok Sabha seats are at stake, Congress faces significant challenges. Without winning more seats from these states, INC cannot form a government in New Delhi. While Congress is weak in these areas, BJP is increasingly successful, and these states contribute significantly to Modi’s successful tenure. Restoring the party’s former prominence in these states is crucial for achieving its aspirations in Delhi. Without addressing these core issues, merely forming random alliances, Congress’s return to power remains a mere aspiration.

    The BJP’s significant strength has raised concerns about potential authoritarian tendencies, emphasizing the urgent need for Congress to stage a comeback. A robust opposition nationwide is crucial for safeguarding democracy, serving as a vital check against unchecked authority. However, Congress appears hesitant to pursue bold initiatives or launch vigorous campaigns, compounded by the Nehru family’s reluctance to cede control. This reluctance impedes the party’s ability to form alliances with local parties, some of which have distanced themselves due to concerns about dynastic politics. Additionally, the BJP’s tactics, such as imprisoning opposition leaders and enticing defections through financial incentives and threats, present formidable obstacles. Moreover, the freezing of the main party’s funds hampers Congress’s ability to engage effectively in elections. It is imperative for Congress to acknowledge its shortcomings, assert itself as a legitimate opposition entity, and adopt proactive measures to uphold Indian democracy. Failing to do so risks undermining India’s democratic principles, potentially leading to a de facto single-party system.

  • Indian Election 2024: Can Trinamool Congress Save their Fortress?

    Indian Election 2024: Can Trinamool Congress Save their Fortress?

    The All India Trinamool Congress (AITC), ranked as the third-largest party in the Indian Parliament, is bracing for a crucial moment. In their bastion of Bengal, they confront a formidable challenge from the BJP, with exit polls hinting at potential setbacks in a state pivotal to the Lok Sabha. A stumble in the impending general election could spell the loss of power for Trinamool Congress in the Bengal state assembly. Despite recent setbacks and a narrowed focus on Bengal, Tripura, and Meghalaya, the party is mustering all its resources for the upcoming polls. Led by the steadfast Mamata Banerjee, they are contesting all assembly seats independently, aiming for maximum representation. Their goal is unequivocal: to emerge as the leading opposition force against the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and reclaim their national standing, irrespective of the prevailing sentiment in opinion polls.

    Ahead of the election announcement, the Trinamool Congress has introduced its full roster of 42 candidates in Bengal. Spearheading the election campaigns is the formidable Mamata Banerjee, Chief Minister of Bengal. Among the candidates are ousted MP and charismatic female leader Mahua Moitra, alongside former cricketer Yousuf Pathan.

    In order to challenge the BJP on the national level, Mamata Banerjee and the All India Trinamool Congress (AITC) have taken the lead in building the opposition alliance I.N.D.I.A. But because of disputes over seat sharing, AITC is running unaffiliated with I.N.D.I.A parties like the Indian National Congress and the Communist Party of India in West Bengal. The opposition has expressed shock and dissatisfaction at this move, although Trinamool has defended its position by emphasizing the state’s real circumstances.  The difficult relationship between the Indian National Congress  has been exacerbated by AITC’s refusal to give up more seats, particularly outside Bengal. Furthermore, even if AITC and Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M)) oppose the BJP together, their long-standing animosity that dates back to decades makes any potential partnership difficult to achieve. As a result, Mamata Banerjee has decided to run the election alone.

    The party gains its strength from robust support from the Muslim community and secular voters. Within the state, there exists a significant Muslim demographic, with many constituencies having a Muslim majority. There’s apprehension among the Muslim populace regarding the potential third term of Hindu nationalist Narendra Modi. A sizable portion of the Muslim population hails from neighboring Bangladesh and may have migrated illegally. BJP’s stance advocating for their exclusion from the country has instilled fear within this community, prompting them to rally strongly behind Mamata, who is vocally critical of the BJP despite having allied with them in the 1990s. The consolidation of Muslim votes is poised to grant AITC approximately 30 seats, maintaining the state government under their control, with all administrative machinery functioning in their favor. AITC also benefits from the support of certain criminal elements involved in politics, further bolstering their position. Instances of intimidation by these elements against BJP and other opposition party workers, as well as the general populace, contribute to a climate of fear that could translate into votes for AITC. 

    Negative factors are increasingly stacking up against the All India Trinamool Congress (AITC). There’s growing discontent surrounding Mamata Banerjee’s third term as Bengal’s Chief Minister, exacerbated by concerted efforts from the BJP. Anti-Muslim rhetoric is gaining traction, coupled with narratives depicting the plight of Hindus and the comparative progress of BJP-led states. Additionally, historical notions of Bengal’s former glory are being invoked. The Sandeshkhali incident, a widely publicized event implicating Trinamool leaders in serious crimes including rape, has tarnished the government’s image. Internally, AITC faces dissatisfaction over allegations of corruption, criminal activities, and the perceived nepotism in grooming Mamata’s nephew as her successor. The Hindu vote is consolidating, while the Muslim vote risks fragmentation due to disunity among AITC, INC, and CPI(M), further undermining AITC’s position.

    If the upcoming election deals a blow to AITC, the party’s future hangs in uncertainty. Considering the electoral patterns in the state, a setback could potentially entrench a prolonged period of struggle for the party in subsequent elections. BJP’s steady ascent, evidenced by their increase in seats from 2 to 18 within just five years, instills hope and garners support in the state, as indicated by opinion polls. Thus, AITC must carefully assess its standing and adapt accordingly. Despite receiving backing from the government in Bengal and maintaining relevance in national politics, AITC lacks clear ideologies and positions, which may alienate Muslim voters, leading to the party’s collapse. However, if Mamata Banerjee defies opinion polls and electoral analyses, staging a comeback as the savior of the opposition and Muslims, it could mark a resurgence for AITC, potentially expanding its influence nationally. The stakes are undeniably high for AITC in the upcoming crucial game of politics.

  • Politics in Theaters: How the Change in Indian Politics Changed Indian Cinema

    Politics in Theaters: How the Change in Indian Politics Changed Indian Cinema

    India’s film industry stands as the world’s largest, annually producing an astonishing 1,500–2,000 films in over 20 languages, firmly establishing cinema as the nation’s primary form of entertainment. This pervasive medium consistently draws attention from critics, who scrutinize the complex interplay between politics and cinema in India. Particularly noteworthy is the trend of movie stars ascending to chief ministerial positions in several states, with many of them wielding considerable influence over voters.

    While this tie up between cinema and politics isn’t uncommon in India, recent years have witnessed two notable trends. Firstly, regional language industries have stepped into the limelight, challenging Bollywood’s hegemony. Secondly, a surge in propaganda promoting Hindutva ideology has inundated Indian cinema, championing Modi’s leadership as the sole savior of India and portraying Hindus favorably while casting Muslims in a negative light, inundating theaters with such narratives.

    “Swatantrya Veer Savarkar” is currently screening in Indian cinemas. Directed, co-written, and co-produced by Randeep Hooda, who also stars in the lead role, this Hindi-language biographical film sheds light on Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, a divisive Hindu nationalist leader and anti-colonial activist. Modi has lauded Savarkar for his resistance against British rule and promotion of Hindutva ideologies. However, Savarkar’s writings have courted controversy due to their advocacy of violence against Muslims.

    Initially, Savarkar was perceived as an outsider to India’s independence movement and was met with disapproval by the Indian National Congress (INC), which considered him a betrayer of the cause and critical of Islam. However, with the announcement of the upcoming Indian elections, the film has attracted increased attention, resonating with audiences. Additionally, more films are emerging, shedding light on figures like Godse, Gandhi’s assassin, and other prominent Hindutva figures who were marginalized by the previous Indian government, all purportedly for preserving religious harmony in India.

    Since Modi assumed power, Bollywood has encountered significant challenges. Following a period of romanticism and global expansion, Bollywood has experienced a decline in talent and an overreliance on star-driven movies, diminishing the quality of its output. The supporters of Nationalism and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) criticized Bollywood for this perceived decline and called for boycotts, prompting the industry to reassess its strategies. The iconic Khans—Shah Rukh Khan, Aamir Khan, and Salman Khan—renowned for their romantic roles, faced social media backlash for their films’ perceived sympathies towards Islam and Pakistan. Consequently, there has been a shift towards actors like Akshay Kumar, known for their portrayal of Hindu-centric patriotism. Additionally, stars from regional industries, such as Telugu actors Prabhas, Allu Arjun, Ram Charan, and Kannada star Yash, have risen to prominence in Hindi cinema, contributing to a transformation in Bollywood’s identity and a decline in the dominance of the Khans.

    Recognizing the emerging trend, stars and filmmakers began producing patriotic and Hindutva-themed movies, garnering prestigious awards and support from Hindutva politicians and followers. This trend culminated in the production of films aiming to rewrite history, with releases like “The Kashmir Files” and “The Kerala Story” fueling anti-Muslim sentiment through propaganda-driven narratives. “Article 370,” released recently, celebrates Modi’s decision to revoke Kashmir’s statehood, presenting him as a decisive leader saving India from turmoil, despite criticisms

    The most recent release, “Razakar: Silent Genocide of Hyderabad,” faced accusations of Islamophobia for its distorted portrayal of a Muslim leader. Similarly, “Jahangir National University”, set for release in April, portrays leftist activists as instigators of division through debunked conspiracy theories like “love jihad” and “Urban Naxalism.”

    With Narendra Modi and his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) vying for a third term in the upcoming election, Bollywood finds itself swept up in a fervent pro-government wave, blurring the boundaries between entertainment and political advocacy. Nearly a dozen new films championing the prime minister and his government’s Hindu nationalist agenda are either already released or scheduled to hit theaters in the coming days and weeks. This surge of pro-government films echoes the atmosphere preceding the 2019 election, when a Modi biopic was halted by the election commission due to its overtly favorable portrayal of the prime minister. 

    Critics and analysts have denounced these films for Popagating Islamophobic Narratives and targeting leftist activists, sparking concerns within the industry about the potential exacerbation of religious divisions in India. Which will help Bharatiya Janata Party in elections.

  • Kejriwal Arrested: How Impactful Is Aam Aadmi Party When All Prominent Leaders Are in Jail

    Kejriwal Arrested: How Impactful Is Aam Aadmi Party When All Prominent Leaders Are in Jail

    The journey of the Aam Aadmi Party is approaching a pivotal moment as it becomes entangled in a wave of corruption charges, a significant departure from its core values of anti-corruption. Numerous party leaders, including its convener and Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal, as well as Deputy Chief Minister Manish Sisodia, have been implicated in a case related to the establishment of liquor policies. It is anticipated that several other members of the party will follow.

    The Aam Aadmi Party represented a noteworthy political experiment in India. Unlike traditional parties, it consciously avoided affiliations based on caste or religion and remained independent of entanglements with existing political factions. Despite these challenges, within just a decade of its inception, the AAP emerged as a remarkably successful political entity.

    Arising from the wave of extensive anti-corruption protests and strikes in 2011, triggered by revelations of unprecedented financial misconduct and corruption within the previous Congress-led UPA government, the Aam Aadmi Party forged its identity by eschewing alliances with entrenched political forces in India. Nevertheless, under the adept leadership of Arvind Kejriwal, they rapidly ascended to authority, assuming governance over the National Capital Territory of Delhi within a mere two years. Their electoral acumen was palpable, as they nearly captured all assembly seats in the 2015 elections.

    Their implementation of initiatives like Mohalla clinics, the enhancement of healthcare and education systems, and interventions to alleviate utility costs garnered broad support from the populace. Staying true to their name, they embodied the aspirations of the common people within their domain. Their political reach expanded beyond Delhi, notably securing a majority in the Punjab State Assembly in 2022, triumphing over long-established political heavyweights like the Indian National Congress and the Bhartiya Janata Party.

    Extending their impact beyond their initial strongholds, the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), broadened their reach to encompass states like Haryana, Goa, and Gujarat. This journey was rewarded with National party status by the Election commission of India in 2023.

    However, the arrest of Aam Aadmi Party leaders on corruption charges delivers a substantial setback to the party, which has aimed to leave a more significant imprint on the Indian political scene. By forming alliances with the Indian National Congress, once a foe, in various states, the party presented a formidable challenge to the ruling BJP, thus posing a threat to its supremacy in the 2024 Lok Sabha Election.

    While the alleged corruption scandal may appear relatively minor compared to other major scams like the election bond scam, it is anticipated to affect Kejriwal and the AAP’s standing in the electoral arena. Allegations suggest that party leaders received bribes in exchange for crafting liquor policies favorable to certain vested interests. Despite repeated summonses from the Enforcement Directorate, Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal was arrested on 21st March 2024, after the Delhi High Court dismissed his anticipatory bail plea in connection with the money laundering case related to Delhi’s liquor policies. This marks the unprecedented arrest of a sitting chief minister in Indian history.

    Although expectations of securing only a modest number of seats, possibly ranging from 10 to 20, in the upcoming general elections, Kejriwal’s influence in Indian urban centers remains substantial. The party’s robust presence in cyberspace further amplifies its significance. Consequently, the arrest is viewed as a deliberate attempt to sideline the AAP from Indian politics, especially as Modi’s government seeks a third consecutive term.

    The arrest of AAP leaders, particularly Arvind Kejriwal, has been utilized by the AAP as a platform to rally against the BJP and foster unity among opposition parties. In a strongly worded statement released on X, the AAP proclaimed, “The time has come for a complete revolution. The despotic regime that is trampling upon the nation must be overthrown”. The party promptly sought recourse from the Supreme Court to contest Kejriwal’s arrest.

    Atishi Singh, a minister in Delhi government, and possible political successor of Kejariwal, condemned the arrest as a “Conspiracy by the BJP and Prime Minister Narendra Modi”. She stressed, “Mr. Kejriwal is not just an individual; he embodies an idea. If you think that arresting one Kejriwal can extinguish this idea, you are mistaken”.

    The arrest drew condemnation from major opposition parties as well. Rahul Gandhi, former leader of the Congress party, criticized the move, asserting, “A fearful dictator seeks to dismantle a living democracy,” in a veiled reference to Modi. Shashi Tharoor, another Congress Member of Parliament, echoed similar sentiments, stating, “It is evident that there is a concerted effort to undermine Indian democracy, especially during our general elections.”

    In response to these allegations, the BJP refuted all claims. Virendra Sachdeva, the president of the Delhi BJP, applauded the arrest, affirming that “truth prevails, and Arvind Kejriwal had to be held accountable for his misdeeds.”

    Observers indicate that the arrest might bolster the BJP’s narrative of adopting a tough stance against corruption and could potentially sway voters in Delhi, Punjab, and Haryana provinces, where the AAP holds sway. However, given the emotionally charged nature of Indian politics, sentiments may also arise in support of Kejriwal, perceiving Modi’s pursuit as unjust persecution. Furthermore, with the Indian opposition already under scrutiny from the Enforcement Directorate, there is a growing sense of unity against Kejriwal’s arrest. It is hoped that the arrest will foster greater unity among the opposition and consolidate the anti-BJP vote, which was divided in previous elections. Indeed, certain arrests have the potential to significantly impact elections.

  • Decline of Dalit Politics: How Grand Dalit Party,  BSP Became Irrelevant in Indian Politics

    Decline of Dalit Politics: How Grand Dalit Party,  BSP Became Irrelevant in Indian Politics

    Once celebrated as a potential alternative to the prevailing political powers of the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Indian National Congress (INC), the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) is now experiencing a notable downturn. The party has lost ground in the Indian political scene, despite having once boasted of having representatives in almost every state legislature, being courted by powerful politicians for alliances, and portraying itself as an advocate for underprivileged people.  Even as it briefly experienced a resurgence with the acquisition of 10 seats in the last Lok Sabha election, the BSP’s prominence has gradually diminished over the past decade. Recent reports reveal that all 10 members elected in the last Lok Sabha may be moving to other parties. Without forming alliances and struggling to make significant progress in electoral contests, BSP leaders are either aligning with alternative political factions or encountering challenges in leaving a lasting impact in the electoral arena. The rise and fall of the BSP, once heralded as a revolutionary force in Dalit politics and influential in shaping national and state-level politics, now dominates headlines as it faces an uncertain future.

    The Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), served as a political platform advocating for the rights and representation of Bahujans, a diverse coalition encompassing Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes (OBC), and religious minorities. Founded by Kanshi Ram in 1984, the BSP aimed to unify these marginalized communities, which collectively comprised 85 percent of India’s population but were fragmented across 6,000 different castes. The party draws inspiration from the ideologies of respected social reformers including B. R. Ambedkar, Mahatma Jyotiba Phule, Narayana Guru, Chhatrapati Shahuji Maharaj, and Gautama Buddha.

    Operating primarily within the state of Uttar Pradesh, the BSP got an election symbol of an elephant, a historical symbol  linked to Dr. Ambedkar’s Scheduled Castes Federation. Rising swiftly to prominence, the party secured representation in both the Legislative Assembly of Uttar Pradesh and the Lok Sabha. It formed governments in Uttar Pradesh, with Mayawati assuming the role of Chief Minister during the 1990s and 2000s.

    A significant turning point occurred in 2007 when the BSP achieved an absolute majority in the Uttar Pradesh state assembly elections, emerging as the sole majority party for the first time since 1991. Mayawati commenced her fourth term as Chief Minister, leading a government that completed a full five-year tenure, marking a historic milestone in Uttar Pradesh’s political landscape. The BSP’s ability to garner support from traditional upper-caste backers of the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) was instrumental in its electoral triumph.

    During that period, the BSP experienced its zenith, notably during the 2004 and 2009 general elections, where it secured approximately 20 Lok Sabha seats. It emerged as the nation’s third-largest political entity, with some leaders even touting Mayawati as a potential candidate for Prime Minister. The party’s influence transcended its stronghold in Uttar Pradesh, making significant strides and augmenting its voter base across various states, spanning from the northern regions like Jammu and Kashmir to the southern territories such as Karnataka. Moreover, the BSP garnered positions in the governments of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, and Karnataka.

    There was considerable speculation surrounding the future trajectory of Mayawati and the BSP, with many anticipating the party’s ascent beyond the 50-seats in the Lok Sabha, positioning itself as a formidable entity capable of single-handedly governing multiple states. However, as time progressed, circumstances shifted unfavorably, leading to a downturn in the party’s fortunes.

    Mayawati’s ascent to power was tainted by allegations of corruption, with numerous cases filed against her for financial mismanagement and misuse of public funds. Faced with the threat of arrest upon losing her position, she sought alliances with both the Congress and the BJP to evade imprisonment.

    Under her leadership, the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) drifted away from the founding principles laid down by Kanshi Ram. Instead of upholding the party’s original vision, Mayawati prioritized the interests of her own caste group. This shift led to widespread discontent among the public, as she favored her relatives and associates for key roles within the party, sidelining competent leaders from the Dalit community.

    Numerous promising leaders in Dalit politics parted ways with the BSP due to the favoritism shown towards Mayawati’s inner circle. This partiality resulted in disillusionment among party members and leaders across various states, compelling them to seek refuge in other political factions. The party’s decline was further aggravated when Mayawati appointed her nephew, Akash Anand, as her successor on December 10, 2023, undermining the party’s foundational principles.

    Leveraging the declining influence of the BSP, Prime Minister Modi tactically appealed to the Dalit vote bank by backing leaders like Ram Nath Kovind and Draupadi Murmu for the nation’s top positions, including the Presidency. This move resonated with Dalit and Adivasi communities, earning their endorsement for Modi and his Hindutva-centric agenda. Consequently, many Dalits now perceive a sense of security in aligning with Modi’s ideology. Nonetheless, critics warn that this transition may pave the way for a revival of India’s archaic slave caste system, which historically subjugated Dalits.

    As the upcoming general election featuring Narendra Modi, Rahul Gandhi, and Akhilesh Yadav intensifies, Mayawati’s nephew finds himself on the fringes of the political fray. Despite Mayawati’s pledge that her party will eschew alliances and contest independently, their previous success in securing 10 seats was largely reliant on an alliance with the Samajwadi Party. However, the BSP has grappled with retaining the loyalty of these 10 MPs, with many defecting to other parties due to a perceived lack of visible leadership.

    Accusations from the SP-INC alliance insinuate that the BSP’s reluctance to unite against Modi could fracture the anti-Modi vote in Uttar Pradesh. Yet, amidst the highly polarized political landscape of Uttar Pradesh, where the BJP and SP hold sway, the BSP finds itself marginalized, suffering losses in recent state assembly elections across various states. With no discernible strategy or a robust second-tier leadership in sight, the BSP seems poised for an inevitable decline.

    The anticipated downfall of the BSP is not only disheartening for the party itself but also signifies a setback for Dalit politics, with only a few major Dalit parties remaining. The downfall of the BSP will mark a significant setback for Indian democracy.

  • The Quest for Backward Votes: Why the 2024 Lok Sabha Election is Crucial for Samajwadi Party?

    The Quest for Backward Votes: Why the 2024 Lok Sabha Election is Crucial for Samajwadi Party?

    The Indian political scene is complex, marked by diverse Vote Banks formed around different castes. These groups wield significant influence in politics. However, Narendra Modi’s rise to power changed this dynamic by rallying broad support across diverse castes. Modi’s team skillfully constructed a formidable Hindu voting bloc, eclipsing the influence of caste-based politics.

    As Narendra Modi eyes a potential third term, the political landscape reveals a diminished presence of caste-based political parties. Traditional support bases, encompassing Dalits, other backward castes, and Muslims, which were once foundational for such parties, have gravitated towards Modi’s Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP). Despite this shift, pockets of opposition remain, with certain communities retaining their influence and posing a challenge to Modi’s stronghold. Among these contenders stands the Samajwadi Party (SP), under the leadership of the charismatic Akhilesh Yadav. Through adept mobilization of backward and Muslim voters and strategic alliance with the Indian National Congress, the SP aims to reassert its significance in national politics.

    The Samajwadi Party holds considerable influence in Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populous state with the highest number of parliamentary seats. Of the 543 Lok Sabha seats to be contested in the upcoming elections, Uttar Pradesh contributes a significant 80 seats, surpassing all other states; by comparison, Maharashtra, the next largest, has only 48 seats. Consequently, Uttar Pradesh plays a pivotal role in determining the majority mark of 272 seats. As numerous political analysts have pointed out, the electoral outcome in Uttar Pradesh often serves as a decisive factor in shaping the national government. This strategic importance led Narendra Modi to choose Uttar Pradesh as his battleground for the Lok Sabha elections instead of his native Gujarat. By emphasizing his backward caste identity, a significant force in Uttar Pradesh politics, Modi strategically aimed to resonate with voters in this crucial state.

    The Samajwadi Party swiftly finalized a seat-sharing arrangement with the Indian National Congress. Out of Uttar Pradesh’s 80 seats, the Samajwadi Party will contest 63, while the Indian National Congress will vie for 17. This early agreement allows for more effective groundwork and reduces the risk of splitting the OBC and Muslim voter bases. Despite the Indian National Congress facing some challenges, the alliance bolsters the Samajwadi Party’s standing in Uttar Pradesh. Together, they aim to launch campaigns asserting their ability to oust Modi and secure a central government.

    In the previous Lok Sabha elections, the Samajwadi Party joined with the Bahujan Samajwadi Party, but the alliance dissolved due to disagreements. Internal discord among party workers, who failed to fully implement the alliance’s strategies, resulted in a disappointing outcome, with the Samajwadi Party securing only 5 seats out of 80. Unlike the past alliance, cooperation between Samajwadi Party and INC workers appears smoother this time. However, the presence of other parties like BSP and AIMIM could potentially fragment the voter base, posing a challenge to the SP-INC alliance.

    The Samajwadi Party aims to shift the narrative away from calls for Hindu unity and the construction of the Ayodhya temple, focusing instead on anti-incumbency sentiments against both the central and state BJP governments. SP hopes amidst rising unemployment and price hikes, people prioritize basic needs over infrastructure development and temple construction which BJP projects. And Both Akhilesh Yadav, leader of the SP, and Rahul Gandhi, leader of the INC, are advocating for a caste census to reclaim caste-based votes that have shifted towards the BJP.

    Although many opinion polls also foresee the BJP winning over 60 seats, Indian voters are renowned for their tendency to change their opinions swiftly. Even if the BJP falls below the 50-seat mark, it would still be considered a victory for the SP-INC alliance. The SP maintains a substantial voter base and a formidable presence in Uttar Pradesh. In the recent 2022 state assembly elections, amidst the BJP’s dominance with 41% of the vote, the SP secured 33%. By teaming up with the INC and leveraging anti-BJP sentiments, the SP aims to increase both its vote share and seat count. Once a party that consistently produced around 20 MPs for Parliament, the Samajwadi Party continues to hold importance in Indian politics as the voice of other backward castes and Muslims.

    The Samajwadi Party emerged in 1992 when the Janata Dal fragmented into several regional parties. Founded by Mulayam Singh Yadav and Beni Prasad Verma, the party rose to power by championing secular politics, garnering support from other backward classes and Muslims, thus becoming a significant political entity in Uttar Pradesh. Notably, during the Babri Masjid demolition, the state government intervened by using helicopters to protect the mosque, demonstrating the party’s commitment to secularism. In the 2004 Lok Sabha elections, they secured 36 seats, extending their influence to other states such as Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra, where they had members in state assemblies, and maintaining a strong presence in Uttarakhand, Bihar, Haryana, and Rajasthan. However, their past successes have been overshadowed by the impact of Modi’s entry into National politics.

    It’s evident that under the leadership of Akhilesh Yadav, the Samajwadi Party will fiercely contest to secure more seats. While it’s unlikely they will replicate their success from the 2004 elections by winning a majority in Uttar Pradesh, even securing more than 10 seats amidst challenging circumstances will affirm their relevance in Indian politics. A setback for Modi in Uttar Pradesh could reignite caste-based politics, potentially influencing the outcome of the state election and paving the way for the resurgence of the Samajwadi Party. Hence, the BJP and INC are not only the contenders in this election; it holds significance for parties like the Samajwadi Party as well.

  • How the Indian Supreme Court Revealed the Business of Electoral Bond

    How the Indian Supreme Court Revealed the Business of Electoral Bond

    Under the vigilant oversight of the Indian Supreme Court, The State bank of India is mandated to disclose details of donations to the political parties through electoral bonds. Electoral bonds serve as a conduit for political parties to gather funds anonymously, shielding the identity of contributors while providing the party with financial resources. This move by the Supreme Court  is aimed at bringing greater transparency to India’s electoral landscape. Even upon introduction, numerous experts in Indian politics had raised concerns regarding the misuse of electoral bonds, perceiving them as a tool for corrupt politicians to amass election funds and launder illicit money systematically.

    Opposition parties contend that the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) is leveraging the electoral bond system to its advantage, with the State-controlled Enforcement Directorate allegedly coercing corrupt businessmen to channel funds into electoral bonds, thereby bolstering the BJP’s financial prowess.  However, the BJP counters this argument by pointing out that all parties except the Communist Party have received funds through electoral bonds. 

    The Electoral Bond Scheme made its debut during the Union Budget 2017-18, under the leadership of then Finance Minister Arun Jaitley. Classified as a Money Bill, it bypassed certain parliamentary scrutiny processes, leading to allegations of a violation of Article 110 of the Indian Constitution. Jaitley also proposed amendments to the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) Act to enable banks to issue electoral bonds for political funding.

    Though initially introduced in early 2017, the Department of Economic Affairs in the Ministry of Finance officially notified the Electoral Bond Scheme 2018 in the Gazette on January 2, 2018. Over the period from March 2018 to April 2022, an estimated total of 18,299 electoral bonds, amounting to ₹985.7 million, were successfully transacted.

    On 7th November 2022, amendments were made to the Electoral Bond Scheme, extending the number of sale days from 70 to 85 in a year, particularly in anticipation of assembly elections. This decision coincided with the implementation of the Model Code of Conduct in Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh shortly before their respective assembly elections.

    On 15 February, 2024 – a panel of five Judges from the Indian Supreme Court, headed by Chief Justice Dhananjaya Yeshwant Chandrachud, unanimously voted to declare the electoral bonds scheme and any associated changes to the Income Tax Act, Companies Act, and Representation of People Act unlawful. They came to the conclusion that it went against the Right to Information (RTI) and the voter’s right to know about political funding under Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution. The court also voiced concerns about potential quid pro quo arrangements between corporations and politicians. 

    On 6th March, the Election Commission of India (ECI) requested that the State Bank of India furnish it with donor and recipient details. By 13th March, the ECI was to make this information available on its website. Still, the SBI missed the deadline and asked for an extension, which the judge turned down. The ECI was then given the information, which was then posted on their website. 

    The Supreme Court ordered the State Bank of India to reveal the electoral bond data to the Election Commission by the end of work hours on 11th March 2024, in response to the State Bank’s refusal to comply with information disclosure requests. The ECI subsequently made this information available on 15th March 2024, and it covered all bonds that were cashed between 12th April 2019, and 24th January 2024. Furthermore, data obtained directly from political parties by the Election Commission was released on 17th March 2024. This data is thought to relate to the time frame that precedes 12th April 2019. 

    According to data that was made public, Mr. Santiago Martin‘s Future Gaming and Hotels Pvt. Ltd. was the biggest donor, having bought bonds totaling ₹130 million between 2019 and 2024. Notably, bonds valued at ₹10 million were purchased in just seven days after an Enforcement Directorate operation in India due to allegations of money laundering. Law enforcement officials were also looking into Megha Engineering and Infrastructures Ltd and Vedanta Limited, which were the second and fifth greatest donors, respectively, during this time. Reliance Industries refuted claims that Qwik Supply Chain, the third-largest donor, was a subsidiary of the company. 

    As the largest beneficiary of electoral bonds, the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) has collected ₹69.865 million since  2018. ₹13.97 million went to the Trinamool Congress, ₹13.34 million to the Indian National Congress, and ₹13.22 crore to the Bharat Rashtra Samithi (BRS). With ₹94.45 million, the Biju Janata Dal (BJD) came in fifth place, followed by the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) at ₹65.65 million and the Andhra Pradesh-based Yuvajana Sramika Rythu Congress Party (YSRCP), which redeemed bonds for approximately ₹44.28 million. Bonds totaling ₹8.975 million were given to the Janata Dal (Secular). 

    Telugu Desam Party (TDP) redeemed bonds valued at ₹18.135 million, Shiv Sena ₹6.04 million, Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) ₹5.6 million, Samajwadi Party ₹1.405 million, Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) ₹0.726 million, All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) ₹0.605 crore, and National Conference ₹5000000. Both the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) and the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M)) denied receiving any funding via electoral bonds. 

    Among the political parties, the DMK was noteworthy in that it revealed the names of its contributors, something that the BJP, INC, Trinamool Congress (TMC), and Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) did not provide to the Election Commission. Nonetheless, the Election Commission has finally made the documents of the parties that complied public in response to a Supreme Court order. 

    As the Supreme Court continues to caution both the State Bank and Election Commission to release all details instead of rationing them, strict orders and timelines have been imposed on the authorities, indicating that more information will be forthcoming in the coming days. The Supreme Court’s decision is not only significant for Indian democracy but also serves as a safeguard against increasing authoritarian tendencies that are encroaching upon the judiciary. The Supreme Court’s intervention to curb negative trends in the Indian electoral landscape serves as both a rescue and a warning for Indian democracy.

  • India’s Electoral Marathon: Seven-Stage Voting Schedule Unveiled for World’s Largest Election

    India’s Electoral Marathon: Seven-Stage Voting Schedule Unveiled for World’s Largest Election

    In India, the calendar is a tapestry of vibrant celebrations, marking every conceivable milestone from birth to death and everything in between. Birthdays, weddings, the onset of menstruation, the 60th milestone, and the remembrance of loved ones lost—all are commemorated with gusto and tradition. With such a profusion of cultural festivities, it’s no surprise that India stands as the unrivaled global capital of festivals.

    Yet, amidst this cornucopia of celebrations, one event looms largest: the electoral process. Unlike elections elsewhere, where solemnity often prevails, Indian elections are a spectacle to behold—a riot of colors, flags fluttering in the breeze, the aroma of festive sweets, towering banners, crackling fireworks, and captivating campaign flyers. It’s a vibrant carnival, a testament to the nation’s democratic fervor.

    As India braces itself for the forthcoming Lok Sabha (House of Commons) elections slated to commence on April 19th, the nation is poised for nothing short of its grandest festival. The world’s largest election, an embodiment of democracy in action, unfolds against the backdrop of this cultural extravaganza, promising to captivate and inspire in equal measure.

    India prepares to choose a new parliament, engaging an unprecedented 970 million registered voters. The Indian Election Commission announced in a press conference on Saturday evening a meticulously planned electoral process, scheduled to unfold across seven phases from April 19th to June 1st, spanning a challenging 44-day period amid the scorching summer heat. Overseeing this massive undertaking will be a formidable workforce of 15 million polling officials and security personnel, tasked with ensuring the integrity of the process across more than a million polling stations, facilitated by 5.5 million electronic voting machines. Emphasizing inclusivity, electoral regulations mandate the establishment of a polling station within a two-kilometer radius of every residence, ensuring accessibility for all eligible voters.

    A significant demographic shift is evident in India’s upcoming elections, with 18 million first-time voters and a staggering 197 million young individuals aged between 20 and 29 eligible to exercise their voting rights. These voters play a crucial role in shaping the composition of the 543 seats in the Lok Sabha (lower house), where any party or coalition must secure a minimum of 272 seats to form a government. Anticipation mounts as the results are slated for announcement on June 4th.

    It’s worth noting that approximately 25% of the 543 parliamentary seats are constitutionally reserved for members from two disadvantaged communities—84 seats for Scheduled Castes, also known as Dalits, and 47 seats for Scheduled Tribes, or Adivasis.

    Despite recent parliamentary approval, the implementation of a new measure to reserve one-third of legislative seats for women has been postponed until after 2024. The Election Commission has also called for fair practices, emphasizing the exclusion of children from the electoral process, a practice witnessed in previous elections. With the looming threat of misinformation, the Election Commission has assured stringent measures to counter its spread, underscoring its commitment to safeguarding the integrity of the electoral process.

    In what promises to be a logistical feat, elections across as many as 22 states are scheduled to occur on a single day. However, states facing significant security challenges and boasting high populations, such as Jammu and Kashmir, West Bengal, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, and Maharashtra, will witness elections spread across multiple phases.

    In Uttar Pradesh, the most populous state, as well as in Bihar and West Bengal—regions fraught with security concerns and densely populated—the electoral process will span all phases, commencing on April 19th and continuing through April 26th, May 7th, 13th, 20th, 25th, culminating on June 1st.

    Opinion polls conducted by India’s largest media entities overwhelmingly favor the ruling BJP-led NDA alliance, yet the volatile nature of public sentiment underscores the unpredictability of elections until the moment voters step into the polling booth—an aspect ingrained in India’s electoral history. The populace is known for its sensitivity and emotional resonance with political issues, ensuring that political parties maintain an intense focus on sustaining momentum until the last vote is cast.

    With the official commencement of election procedures following the notification on March 16th, major political parties have begun unveiling their candidates across different constituencies. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, eyeing a third term, initiated campaigning early this year. The BJP-led alliance remains steadfast, buoyed by campaign slogans such as “Modi ki Guarantee” and “Ab ki Baar 400+,” which have permeated the media landscape, instilling a perception of Modi’s assured continuation in power—a sentiment reinforced by opinion polls.

    The opposition, led by the Congress-led alliance INDIA, finds itself somewhat staggered by the BJP’s strategic maneuvers. They lag behind in addressing pressing issues such as unemployment, while the BJP gains ground with a focus on Hindu identity and the enduring popularity of Prime Minister Modi. Despite the Congress forming an alliance under the banner of INDIA, they appear less organized and struggle to gain traction in their campaign efforts.

    With the first phase of polling already underway for nearly a month and the seventh phase still over two months away, there remains ample time for the opposition to regroup and assert their presence. Memories of the 2004 verdict, where the BJP was widely expected to retain power but faced a different outcome, serve as a reminder of the unpredictability of electoral politics.

    On June 4th, results from across the nation will be tallied simultaneously, a customary practice where outcomes are typically announced on the same day. The responsibility of collecting the votes of nearly 970 million individuals and selecting their leaders poses a significant challenge for the Indian Election Commission. Moreover, it will serve as a battleground for artificial intelligence, misinformation, and disinformation. With widespread technological familiarity among the populace, even if not all are proficient users, this election represents a substantial test for democracy and the influence of technology on democratic processes.

  • Rising Mughal Hate: Why India is Removing its Islamic History

    Rising Mughal Hate: Why India is Removing its Islamic History

    The Indian government, led by the well-known Hindu nationalist Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP), is steadfastly dedicated to eliminating all traces of colonialism. Now that the party is running for an uninterrupted third term, it is actively leading the revival of the Hindu identity in India. The nation’s legacy is being reclaimed, as evidenced by programs like renaming roads and ignoring structures from the colonial era. 

    This renewed vigor against colonial influences extends to the Mughals, an Islamic dynasty historically associated with the Ottomans. Despite arguments that many Mughal rulers had Indian roots and lineage, they are increasingly perceived as symbols of Ottoman colonization. Hindu Nationalists fervently assert that the Mughals were more oppressive and exploitative than the British colonialists. Consequently, there is a growing clamor for the removal of Mughal legacies from Indian soil, mirroring the elimination of British colonial identifiers.

    The Indian subcontinent, renowned for its ancient civilizations and great kingdoms like Maurya, Kalinga, and Chola, was predominantly ruled by Hindu, Buddhist, and Jain kings. The advent of Muslim invasion in the Indian subcontinent is traditionally traced back to 712 AD, following the conquest of Sindh and Multan by the Umayyad Caliphate under the leadership of Muhammad ibn al-Qasim. This marked the beginning of a gradual conquest that saw successive Muslim rulers establishing their dominance.

    Muslim dynasties, most notably the Mughal Empire and the Delhi Sultanate, rose to prominence in the subcontinent starting in the late 12th century. From the middle of the 14th century to the end of the 18th century, a number of other Muslim kingdoms ruled over South Asia, including the Deccan Sultanates, Bahmani, Bengal, Gujarat, Malwa, Mysore, and Carnatic. These Muslim dynasties were bound together by the Islamic faith and Persianate culture, while having different origins. 

    While Sharia formed the primary basis for the legal system in the Delhi Sultanate, with rulers like Firuz Shah Tughlaq and Alauddin Khilji notably repelling Mongol invasions, others like Akbar adopted a secular legal system, promoting religious neutrality. The Muslim rule in India profoundly influenced the cultural, linguistic, and religious landscape of the subcontinent. Persian and Arabic vocabulary seeped into local languages, giving rise to modern Punjabi, Bengali, and Gujarati, alongside the emergence of new languages like Urdu and Deccani, which served as official languages under Muslim dynasties. This era also witnessed the birth of Hindustani music, Qawwali, and the evolution of dance forms such as Kathak. Additionally, religions like Sikhism and Din-e-Ilahi emerged from the synthesis of Hindu and Muslim religious traditions.

    The transition away from Muslim rule in modern India is predominantly denoted by the Battle of Plassey in 1757 and the onset of the British Raj in 1857, though remnants persisted in regions like Hyderabad State, Junagadh State, Jammu and Kashmir State, and other minor princely states until the mid-20th century. Present-day Bangladesh, Maldives, and Pakistan are Muslim-majority nations within the Indian subcontinent, while India hosts the world’s largest Muslim minority population, exceeding 180 million.

    Historians and British records generally classify these Muslim kingdoms as integral parts of India, while Indian historians and Hindu organizations view them as periods of colonial rule. Their stance is supported by various factors, including the predominantly Turkish, Persian, Afghan, or Mongol heritage of many early rulers who often exhibited suppressive behavior towards Indian knowledge, architecture, monuments, and temples. Iconic centers of learning like Nalanda and Takshashila were destroyed, temples were desecrated or converted to Islamic styles, forced conversions and marriages occurred, and mass killings were perpetrated. The preference for Persian, Arabic, and Turkish over Indian languages further alienated the indigenous population. Additionally, the harsh treatment of the Hindu kings during the Islamic golden age in India, and the resistance of kingdoms like the Marathas and Vijayanagara against Islamic rule, underscore the disconnect between these rulers and the Indian identity.

    Hindu historians argue that these Islamic kingdoms were more aligned with Ottoman and Persian empires, lacking a true Indian identity. Their oppressive actions against the indigenous Hindu populace and exploitative taxation structures are cited as evidence of their colonizing nature. They advocate for a focus on pre-Islamization Indian history, considered the golden age of Indian civilization, asserting that Indian history need not be sympathetic towards Islamic rulers.

    The Indian National Congress led government, which came to power after India gained independence from British rule in 1947, took a compassionate view of the Mughals, viewing them as fellow Indians rather than Turkish conquerors. The unwillingness to explore the more sinister facets of Mughal governance in textbooks was perceived as an effort to placate the Islamic vote bank, which constitutes a substantial portion of the Congress party’s support base.

    In earlier times, India and Pakistan faced disputes over the succession of the Mughal era. Pakistan, established as a Muslim state following the partition of India, was perceived by some as the inheritor of the Mughal legacy, a view not universally accepted by the Congress government. However, the dynamics shifted significantly with the landslide victory of the Hindu nationalist Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) in the 2014 general election. The BJP’s focus shifted towards highlighting the drawbacks of Mughal rule. Initiatives were launched to shed light on instances of persecution endured by the Indian populace during the Mughal era, which had previously been overlooked by earlier administrations.

    The BJP actively advocated for the reconstruction of Hindu temples and monuments, especially in locations where mosques had been erected during the Mughal era, often replacing Hindu temples. Prime examples include the reconstruction of the Ayodhya temple atop the former site of the Babri Masjid. Extensive efforts were undertaken to revive numerous temples that had fallen into disrepair during the Islamic period. Surveys were conducted on mosques constructed during the Mughal era to uncover traces of Hindu heritage. Furthermore, initiatives were launched to revitalize the exploration and commemoration of pre-Islamic Indian history, particularly the periods of Hindu, Buddhist, and Jain rule in the subcontinent. Plans were discussed for the restoration of the Nalanda University, which had been demolished during the reign of Islamic rulers.

    Social media campaigns aimed at erasing the Islamic identity of India and promoting its Hindu identity gained traction. A visible outcome of this campaign was the renaming of cities and roads that had been named during the Mughal and Congress periods to reflect a Hindu heritage. Notable examples include the renaming of Allahabad to Prayagraj in 2018, Hoshangabad to Narmadapuram in 2021, and Aurangabad to Chhatrapati Sambhaji Nagar in 2023. Many more cities are proposed for name changes, reflecting a broader trend towards reclaiming Hindu heritage in India. Some proposed renamings include Patna to Patliputra, Ahmedabad to Karnavati, and Hyderabad to Bhagyanagaram.

    According to some political analysts, the animosity towards the Mughals may gradually transform into animosity towards Muslims in general. Despite the fact that many Indian Muslims are converted, there is a growing sentiment that portrays them as invaders or sympathizers of invaders, potentially fueling hostile sentiments. With a population of nearly 200 million, any discord between this significant demographic and the Indian government could pose a substantial threat to the nation. However, the Modi government remains resolute in its efforts to diminish Islamic influence and promote Hindu identity. With expectations of a third term, further Hinduization of the country is anticipated, evident in actions such as renaming India to Bharath and proposed changes to the constitution. It is evident that India is transitioning from the modern secular identity implemented by the Congress to a pre-Islamic Hindu nationalist one. This transformation aligns with the BJP’s manifesto to revive the Hindu identity of the nation, utilizing the lingering animosity towards Mughal rule as a driving force.