Tag: Indonesia

The initial phase of Indonesia’s ambitious new capital project is slated for completion this year, aiming to relocate the capital from Jakarta to Nusantara before the country’s Independence Day on August 17. Indonesia’s seismic decision to move its capital to Nusantara Capital City (Ibu Kota Nusantara, or IKN) has garnered global attention, marking a significant transformation in the nation’s infrastructure and economic landscape. Located in East Kalimantan with an estimated budget of approximately $35 billion, IKN is expected to span 2,560 sq. km., featuring hilly landscapes, forests, and a natural bay. The Indonesian government plans to relocate up to 1.9 million people to IKN by 2045, with some civil servants making the move as early as 2024.

President Jokowi’s visionary initiative has faced its share of criticism since its announcement in 2019, with concerns ranging from insufficient public consultation and land disputes with indigenous communities to apprehensions about Chinese investment potentially turning Nusantara into a “New Beijing.” Observers caution against a more subtle concern—the undemocratic nature that the new capital, situated hundreds of miles away from Jakarta and intended to operate without elected local leaders, may bring to the forefront in the world’s third-largest democracy.

With President Jokowi concluding his term in February, the question arises: will the transition to a new president be a seamless process, considering the departure of this populist leader?

President Joko Widodo’s proposed new capital has become a pivotal policy consideration leading up to the 2024 elections in Indonesia. The Ibu Kota Negara Nusantara project (IKN), as officially named, seeks to establish a more centrally located hub for Indonesia, driving the nation’s economic transformation. President Jokowi has clarified that the goal is not to concentrate solely on Java but to prioritize Indonesia as a whole.

The future of the project commands significant attention in the upcoming election, with Defense Minister Prabowo Subianto, the current leading candidate, and his vice-presidential running mate, Gibran Rakabuming Raka, underscoring their commitment to contributing to the development of the new capital city in their official vision and mission statement.

Erwin Aksa, a representative of the Prabowo-Gibran ticket, envisions IKN hosting 1.9 million people by 2045, serving as the “soul” or “symbol” of a new Indonesia—a green, modern city and the focal point of a “new civilization.” Aksa highlights the integration of AI technology into IKN’s development. Ahmad Muzani, the secretary-general of Prabowo’s party Gerindra, reaffirms Prabowo’s unwavering commitment to advancing IKN’s development. Irwan Fecho, the official spokesperson for Prabowo’s Indonesia Maju coalition, anticipates practical aspects of IKN, including the completion of administrative offices like the presidential office, possibly as early as next year, under a Prabowo administration.

Similarly, the former Central Java Governor Ganjar Pranowo, along with his vice-presidential running mate Mahfud MD, is wholeheartedly dedicated to expediting the IKN project—a stance aligned with Ganjar’s candidacy for the ruling Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle. Their official manifesto confirms their commitment to progressively develop IKN, envisioning it not only as a symbol of Indonesia’s future but also as a fresh starting point for equitable and balanced development.

Tama S. Langkun, spokesperson for the Ganjar-Mahfud campaign, emphasizes the duo’s unwavering commitment to advancing the IKN plan, citing its constitutional foundation and support from eight political factions. He underscores Ganjar’s mission to double the state budget for increased infrastructure development funds and stresses the pivotal role of foreign investment in achieving these objectives. While the likelihood of this pair abandoning the IKN project is minimal, it remains not entirely impossible, as Mahfud remains open to discussions.

Differing from his two rivals, the third presidential candidate, former Jakarta Governor Anies Baswedan, holds a distinct perspective on the IKN project. In a speech, Anies emphasized the significance of inclusive growth and balanced development for Indonesia, advocating for a decentralized approach that disperses development across multiple regions rather than concentrating it in one location.

Thomas Lembong, spokesperson for Anies and his vice-presidential partner Muhaimin Iskandar, reiterated their unique stance on IKN in a recent statement. Lembong stressed that for equitable development, the focus should extend beyond Kalimantan to encompass the entirety of Indonesia. The Anies-Muhaimin team aims to foster development in at least 14 major cities nationwide. While Lembong did not outright reject the continuation of IKN, he stated that any decision would depend on data, facts, and research, shaped through collaboration and discussions with technocrats.

Sulfikar Amir, serving as the campaign spokesperson, highlighted the high-risk nature of the IKN project, citing elements of uncertainty, vulnerability, and potential errors. He expressed concerns about the project’s substantial cost, cautioning that the initial 466 trillion rupiah price tag could potentially double or triple by the project’s completion. Amir emphasized the need for technocratic assessments to determine the viability of continuing IKN, stating that it doesn’t necessarily have to be completed entirely or abruptly abandoned.

Under a potential Anies presidency, the likelihood of abandoning the IKN project appears substantial, whether the departure occurs abruptly or gradually. In discussions with young voters, Anies consistently emphasizes alternative priorities, and notably, the Anies-Muhaimin manifesto lacks any emphasis on the continuation of IKN. There is a significant probability that IKN will be abandoned, and under Anies-Muhaimin’s leadership, the government is poised to pursue the implementation of their own 14-city development plan.

A big infrastructure project can turn out either as a waste of money or a major economic boost. Getting enough investment for the “new Indonesia” is tough, so the IKN project depends a lot on government support. That’s why every upcoming election and change in government are super important for the project to succeed. When it comes to large-scale projects like Nusantra, they have a big impact on politicians and the country’s money situation. In a country like Indonesia, where big business plays a significant role, the chances of the Nusantara project moving forward instead of being abandoned are quite high.

Indonesia, with around a population of 280 million, stands as the world’s fourth most populated country and holds the largest Muslim population globally. The nation consistently takes a clear stance on issues within the Islamic world, drawing both congratulations and comments from online communities. Some applaud Indonesia for making more efforts for Gaza Muslims than even Saudi Arabia, the country’s alleged increase in Islamic fundamentalism, causing concerns that reverberate beyond its borders, notably affecting Bangladesh and India, particularly in the context of the Rohingya crisis.

In early December, a poignant scene unfolded in Aceh province, Indonesia, as hundreds of Rohingya refugees walked along the shore, guided solely by the faint glow of lights in a nearby village. Having faced rejection in one area of Aceh after a perilous boat journey, they sought refuge elsewhere. Aceh, a semi-autonomous Indonesian province marked by an increased influence of Islamic rule, was once known for welcoming Rohingya refugees escaping persecution in Myanmar or the harsh conditions in refugee camps in Bangladesh, where approximately one million Rohingya currently reside. In the past, local fishers would guide stranded boats to safety, and villagers would wade into the waters to rescue the exhausted refugees.

In recent months, there has been a shift in sentiments. Local residents have gathered to protest against boat landings, expressing concerns that their resources are stretched too thin to accommodate new arrivals. Calls have been made for humanitarian groups to vacate the area.

A significant number of Indonesian students, donning green jackets, forcefully entered a convention center in Banda Aceh, where hundreds of Rohingya refugees from Myanmar were housed. According to Reuters footage, the students accessed the building’s large basement area, where Rohingya men, women, and children were seated on the floor, visibly distressed. Subsequently, the Rohingya were escorted out, some carrying their belongings in plastic sacks, and transported via trucks while the protesters observed.

The refugees were relocated to a government building, where protesters insisted on their removal. The UN refugee agency, UNHCR, attributed the incident to “a coordinated online campaign of misinformation, disinformation, and hate speech against refugees.”

Social media platforms, particularly TikTok, became breeding grounds for misleading or false reports and inflammatory language. One widely shared post on TikTok likened the Rohingya’s arrival in Aceh to Israel’s occupation of Palestinian territories. The commentator claimed that Rohingyas were determined to settle in Indonesia permanently, alleging complaints about and rejection of the provided food. The commentator derogatorily referred to them as parasites,” garnering nearly 200,000 likes.

Another post alleged that an unspecified Myanmar leader had made derogatory remarks about Rohingya people, stating that they are difficult to control, live uncleanly, defecate anywhere, are lazy, eat excessively, and marry multiple times.

The local official in Aceh clarified that there had been no criminal activity by Rohingya in his village. The only incident he could recall involved refugees taking coconuts from villagers’ trees due to hunger. This was settled amicably and did not recur.

In December, Indonesia’s President Joko Widodo announced the provision of temporary humanitarian aid to the Rohingya while prioritizing local residents. He expressed suspicion that human trafficking might be behind the increase in arrivals.

Azharul Husna, coordinator of the Aceh chapter of the NGO Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence, notes that the current level of hostility towards the Rohingya is unprecedented since their first arrival in the province in 2009. While small-scale protests occurred in 2021 and 2022 due to disagreements over where refugees should stay, ongoing talks and engagement had previously eased tensions. However, misinformation and negative portrayals of refugees on social media have now divided locals, leading to larger protests. While NGOs and humanitarian organizations had previously dedicated funding to support Rohingya refugees in Aceh, resources are now more limited.

The challenges faced by Indonesia are similar to those in Bangladesh and India. There is sympathy for the tragic plight of women and children, anger towards Myanmar’s actions, but a common challenge is dealing with an overwhelming population and the inability to rapidly accommodate a large influx. Additionally, being democratic nations and heavy users of social media, they grapple with widespread misinformation campaigns. Addressing these issues becomes both a domestic and international political imperative for Indonesia.

Prabowo, the former son-in-law of the late dictator Suharto, is currently on the path to secure the presidency in Indonesia. He has gained popularity among young voters by utilizing his Instagram presence to project a charming, soft, and humorous personality. Despite Prabowo’s contentious history as a former general dismissed from the military amid allegations of kidnapping and torture, the majority of the public appears indifferent to these issues.

Indonesian President Joko Widodo is set to follow Suharto’s example by seeking to establish his own political dynasty in Indonesia through democratic means. According to reports from Indonesian media, Prabowo, supported by the eldest son of the current president, Joko Widodo, is taking the lead in election campaigns in Indonesia.

Indonesia has a history of influential political families. During President Suharto’s 32-year rule, his eldest daughter held a cabinet minister position. Megawati Sukarnoputri, the daughter of Indonesia’s first president Sukarno, not only served as president but also leads the largest party in parliament, while her daughter holds the position of speaker of the house. Much like the Nehru Family in India, the Sukarno family has consistently played a role in the administration of Indonesia, either in the public eye or behind the scenes.

In addition to the Sukarno family legacy, President Widodo is now in the process of establishing his own political dynasty. His youngest son, Kaesang Pangarep, assumed leadership of the Indonesian Solidarity Party (PSI) last month, shortly after joining the party. Meanwhile, his son-in-law serves as the mayor of Medan, and his eldest son, Gibran Rakabuming Raka, currently the mayor of Solo, is now a candidate for vice president. Despite controversies surrounding their alliance, such as a constitutional court ruling that created an exception to age restrictions for Gibran, concerns about dynasty-building do not appear to have adversely affected their performance in polling.

In spite of his controversial past, Prabowo, in collaboration with the eldest son of the outgoing president, Joko Widodo, is emerging as the leading candidate in pre-election surveys for the upcoming vote in Indonesia, the world’s third-largest democracy. Analysts predict that this election may further cement entrenched political dynasties, with social media playing a crucial role as the primary battleground for candidates.

Prabowo is actively pursuing a significant rebranding effort. Formerly known as the son-in-law of the late dictator Suharto, he faced allegations of involvement in the kidnapping and torture of pro-democracy activists in the late 1990s, along with implications in human rights abuses in Papua and East Timor. Despite a prior travel ban to the US, which was lifted after he assumed the role of defence secretary in 2019, Prabowo consistently denies any wrongdoing and has never been formally charged in connection to these allegations. Presently, he is showcasing a more playful side, engaging in hip-wiggling and arm-waving – actions that have gained popularity on TikTok, where users affectionately refer to him as “Gemoy,” meaning cute. On Instagram, his account features moments of him cuddling and kissing his cat, complemented by poses of him making heart gestures. Supporters even proudly wear hoodies adorned with a charming cartoon representation of the politician.

Prabowo has committed to maintaining the policies of Jokowi, including the development of Nusantara, a new capital city on Borneo. His assurances encompass initiatives such as providing free lunches and milk for schoolchildren from preschool to senior high, along with pregnant women. Additionally, he vows to eliminate extreme poverty within a span of two years.

Running against Prabowo are former Jakarta governor Anies Baswedan and former provincial governor Ganjar Pranowo. Some voters express concerns about Anies’ past campaign tactics during the 2017 Jakarta governor race, accusing him of accommodating Islamists to defeat his rival, a Christian from the ethnic Chinese minority—allegations he denies. At 55, Ganjar commits to reviewing a controversial job creation law enacted under Jokowi, criticized for undermining workers’ rights and environmental protections. While avoiding criticism of the president’s economic policies, Ganjar has faced controversies in his role as provincial governor, including disputes over a mine development in Central Java that drew criticism from villagers and activists.

Like many other Asian democracies, Indonesia is influenced by political dynasties. In the current trend, Sukarno’s son and Widodo’s son are positioned to lead the nation. The election on February 14th is not anticipated to bring about any surprises, as people align themselves with the social media branding of Prabowo. Moreover, the notion that “political dynasties are an established reality that must be adhered to and accepted” is deeply embedded in the public mindset.

Indonesia and its language, Bahasa Indonesia, have received significant acclaim on the global stage. In the plenary session of the 42nd General Conference held in Paris on November 20, Bahasa Indonesia was formally recognized as an official language of the UNESCO General Conference. This acknowledgment establishes it as the 10th official language alongside English, Arabic, Mandarin Chinese, French, Spanish, Russian, Hindi, Italian, and Portuguese.

Bahasa Indonesia, simply known as Indonesian, holds the esteemed position of being both the official and national language of Indonesia. Derived from a standardized form of Malay, an Austronesian language, Bahasa Indonesia has functioned as a lingua franca across the diverse Indonesian archipelago for decades. This recognition solidifies Bahasa Indonesia as one of the popular languages worldwide. 

Mohamad Oemar, the Indonesian Ambassador to France, Andorra, and Monaco, as well as the Permanent Delegate to UNESCO, highlighted that Bahasa Indonesia, spoken by over 275 million people, has become a global language. Currently, curricula featuring Bahasa Indonesia are utilized in 52 countries, engaging around 150,000 non-native speakers.

Oemar emphasized the positive impact of designating Indonesian as the official language of the UNESCO General Conference, foreseeing benefits for peace, harmony, and the realization of sustainable development goals not only at the national level but on a global scale. This sentiment was reported by Antara News.

The official recognition is anticipated to enhance global awareness of Indonesia culturally and economically, underscoring the nation’s commitment to cultural development and fostering connections with other countries. In its comprehensive rationale, UNESCO’s official document outlines 11 points supporting the decision. It emphasizes that recognizing Bahasa Indonesia promotes equitable information dissemination, inclusivity, deeper understanding of language and literature, collaboration with UNESCO, and a commitment to advancing global cultures, peace, and sustainable development. Additionally, it is expected to raise Indonesia’s international profile, fostering greater cooperation and benefiting both the country and UNESCO’s worldwide mission.

Mohamad Oemar added that the Indonesian language, historically a unifying force, has played a crucial role since pre-independence times, particularly evident through the Youth Pledge in 1928, fostering connections among various ethnicities in Indonesia. So the recognition for Indonesian is recognition of Indonesia.

Indonesian is becoming increasingly popular worldwide and can be found on most major language learning platforms. Its popularity in the region, ability to do business, and familiarity with Westerners all contribute to its demand as a language. Worldwide, especially in nations like Australia, the Netherlands, Japan, South Korea, Timor-Leste, Vietnam, Taiwan, the United States, and England, Indonesian is taught as a foreign language in educational institutions. Non-Indonesians have become more and more interested in learning the language in recent years.

With the growing popularity of courses tailored to non-Indonesian speakers, several universities are now offering Bahasa Indonesia.

Indonesia’s efforts to promote its language extend beyond its borders. For instance, the Indonesian embassy in the Philippines has conducted basic Indonesian language courses for Filipino students and Armed Forces members, with plans to introduce intermediate courses. In the United States, the Indonesian embassy in Washington, D.C. offers free beginner and intermediate level Indonesian language courses.

This global interest and investment in learning Indonesian represent a well-deserved recognition for Indonesia, acknowledging its position as the fourth most populous nation, fastest-growing economy, and influential global player. Despite being one of the world’s biggest populations, this recognition has often been overlooked. The spotlight on Indonesia and the Indonesian language is gradually expanding on the global stage.

A momentous global election season is underway, as numerous democracies prepare to choose their heads of state in 2024. Among these pivotal elections, Indonesia’s presidential election in February 2024 emerges as a key event. Indonesia is on the brink of a significant political transition as President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo plans to retire in October. As the world’s third-largest democracy and the fourth most populous country, Indonesia will choose their new leader to nurture ambitious visions for the future, encompassing plans to relocate its capital and position itself as a global leader.

Primary figures in the presidential race comprise Defense Minister Prabowo Subianto and Gibran Rakabuming Raka, serving as the candidates for president and vice president, respectively. Another prominent contender is the former education minister and ex-Jakarta governor Anies Baswedan, who is running alongside Muhaimin Iskandar, the chairman of the National Awakening Party (PKB). Furthermore, the pair of former Central Java governor Ganjar Pranowo and Mahfud MD, the country’s coordinator for political, legal, and security affairs, contributes to the varied array of candidates.

Defense Minister Prabowo Subianto, former Central Java Governor Ganjar Pranowo, and former Jakarta Governor Anies Baswedan offer a departure from the political dynasties and ex-military figures with roots in the Suharto era that have traditionally dominated Indonesian politics. These candidates are vying to succeed two-term President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo. While Jokowi has not formally endorsed any candidate, the clear preference is discernible with Gibran serving as Prabowo’s running mate. 

With Prabowo Subianto emerging as the front-runner in the presidential race, the selection of President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s son, Gibran Rakabuming Raka, as his running mate solidifies Prabowo’s standing as the heir presumptive. Nevertheless, concerns have arisen regarding the involvement of state institutions and a last-minute Constitutional Court ruling permitting Gibran’s candidacy, prompting uncertainties about the trajectory of Indonesia’s democracy.

With over four-fifths of Indonesia’s current parliament consisting of coalition parties, there is limited room for opposition representation. The upcoming leaders of Indonesia will confront various geopolitical challenges, particularly in managing Jakarta’s relationship with Beijing. Under Jokowi’s administration, the relationship with China has peaked, with the high-speed rail project serving as a notable example. However, for some Indonesians, this closer association has sparked concerns about potential debt traps and the influx of Chinese workers. Indonesia’s ambitious plans to relocate its capital to Nusantara in Borneo add complexity to the political discourse. This mega project, estimated to cost over $30 billion, introduces another layer to the ongoing political narrative. While contenders Ganjar and Prabowo express dedication to building Nusantara, Anies has voiced criticism regarding the proposed smart city.

There were significant protests posing a threat to democracy in Indonesia. In 2020, protests erupted across multiple cities in response to the job creation law, with concerns rising about its potential impact on worker rights. In 2019, Indonesians expressed dissent against a new law that weakened the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK). Concurrently, the revision of the MK law aligns with the court’s responsibility to resolve potential election disputes this year.

While an increased presence of opposition in Indonesia’s parliament could raise the standards for passing laws, the report notes the persistent underrepresentation of women in electoral politics, despite the imposition of a 30 percent gender quota for steering committees and candidates within political parties. This highlights the ongoing challenges in achieving a more inclusive and representative political landscape in Indonesia.

Growing concerns arise over the mounting pressure on Indonesian democracy, characterized as the most intense since the end of the Suharto era. Despite Indonesia’s successful democratic journey since the conclusion of the New Order dictatorship in 1998, there is now apprehension regarding the potential erosion of its democratic achievements.  Indonesia stands at a crossroads as a democratic country, with religious fundamentalism and regionalism reaching a peak in the coming years. The decisions made by the rulers will determine the future of this nation.

In the current era, data has transformed into an invaluable commodity. Its applications span from conventional marketing to propagandist endeavors, making it a vital asset in sectors like commerce, technology, healthcare, and politics. Politics, in particular, has become a significant domain for data utilization. Consequently, the collection of data by governments is raising concerns akin to those associated with corporate data collection. The global trend of governments amassing data has sparked apprehensions regarding privacy and cybersecurity, and Malaysia’s Padu, the central database, is garnering attention from watch dogs.

Recently launched in Putrajaya, Padu, the Central Database Hub, has multifaceted objectives. During the unveiling, Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim underscored Padu’s pivotal role in efficiently targeting government subsidies. He emphasized that by excluding foreigners and the affluent from specific subsidies, the Malaysian government could potentially save billions. The targeted approach, scheduled to commence in 2024, seeks to mitigate the impact of widespread subsidies on government finances. Beyond merely streamlining subsidy distribution, Padu addresses leaks in government assistance, aligning with Malaysia’s overarching digital transformation strategy. The Prime Minister stressed the crucial role of Padu in optimizing the structure of subsidy distribution to ensure that deserving citizens receive government aid.

As an integrated socio-economic database, Padu consolidates information from diverse government departments, creating a comprehensive, near real-time national database. This facilitates precise data analytics, aids in policy formulation, and supports data-driven decision-making processes. The primary objective is said to provide an equitable representation of the socio-economic status of each household in Malaysia.

Anwar expressed appreciation for civil servants who developed Padu without relying on international consultants, acknowledging their skills and expertise. He announced the accelerated implementation of a new salary scheme for civil servants, praising their performance. The Padu initiative signifies a significant stride towards efficient governance, utilizing data for targeted assistance, all while addressing concerns related to privacy and cybersecurity.

Acknowledging concerns regarding cybersecurity, Mr. Rafizi, economic minister  emphasized that PADU has implemented various measures to safeguard data. These measures encompass the establishment of comprehensive standard operating procedures (SOPs) and strategic collaborations with entities such as the National Cyber Security Agency (NACSA), the Office of the Chief Government Security Officer (CGSO), CyberSecurity Malaysia, and the Department of Personal Data Protection (PDP). Mr. Rafizi further explained that an independent group of experts, versed in diverse fields, has been appointed to ensure that PADU’s development incorporates the latest and most robust safety features.

But things are not easy, as the minister says, Malaysia witnessed several attempts of data breaches on government agencies last year, prompting heightened concerns. On December 8, 2023, the social security organization (SOCSO) confirmed a cyber attack on its systems, databases, and websites. In response to these incidents, former DAP MP Ong Kian Ming has urged the government to suspend user registrations for the Central Database Hub, or Padu, until security concerns are adequately addressed.

Ong suggested a collective decision by the Cabinet to suspend registrations until security issues are resolved and stressed the importance of thorough stress testing before reintroducing the system. He expressed concerns about potential identity theft, claiming that those who did not register with Padu could have their identity cards and postcodes used by others for registration.

Economy Minister Rafizi Ramli refuted Ong’s claims, stating that the e-KYC process for Padu requires users to upload a selfie along with a picture of their identity card, and the approval process takes less than five minutes. Rafizi assured the public that cases of identity theft resulting from Padu registration would be in the “minority,” emphasizing the team’s comprehensive consideration of data security and user experience.

In response, Ong criticized the extensive details needed for Padu registration, suggesting that much of the required information should already be available through ministries and government agencies. He expressed concern that the additional fields might lead users to skip or provide inaccurate information to remain eligible for government subsidies. Ong urged swift rectification of Padu’s flaws to prevent them from becoming a point of political debate in the next parliamentary session.

Malaysia stands at the threshold of a remarkable opportunity, a sweeping initiative by the government unfolding through Padu, a profound gesture to its citizens. Amidst the air of optimism enveloping this venture, experts maintain a delicate balance, expressing confidence in data security even as concerns linger about the potential misuse of the comprehensive citizen details held within the digital vault.

Indonesia is gearing up for a significant election set to take place early next year, with the major political events of 2023 serving as a preparatory phase for this upcoming electoral milestone. Scheduled for February 2024, the parliamentary and presidential elections in Indonesia will be held concurrently. The center-left PDI-P, currently holding the majority of seats in the legislative body, is anticipated to maintain its position as the largest party in the House of People’s Representatives.

Public opinion polls consistently indicate that PDI-P is ahead of its closest competitors, Golkar and Gerindra, both of which espouse a more right-wing political stance. In Indonesia, the influence of political patronage networks tends to limit significant shifts in party support from one election to the next. However, it’s worth noting that preferences in presidential voting are less bound by party affiliations, introducing an additional layer of complexity to the political landscape.

The Indonesian Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) has officially endorsed Anies Baswedan as a presidential candidate for the upcoming 2024 general elections. Subsequently, the Democratic Party followed suit by endorsing Anies Baswedan as a presidential nominee. The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle endorsed Ganjar Pranowo, the incumbent Central Java Governor, as a presidential hopeful for the 2024 general elections. In a parallel move, the People’s Conscience Party also pledged its support for Ganjar Pranowo as a presidential nominee for the 2024 elections. The United Development Party joined in by officially endorsing Ganjar Pranowo as a presidential nominee for the 2024 elections.

On May 14, President Joko Widodo concluded the People’s Consultation (Musra) by finalizing the names of the presidential and vice-presidential candidates for the 2024 Presidential Election. August 13 witnessed the formation of a coalition between the Golkar, PAN, PKB parties, and the Gerindra Party, jointly declaring Prabowo Subianto as a presidential candidate in the 2024 election. Anies Baswedan from the Nasdem Party and National Awakening Party (PKB) General Chair Muhaimin Iskandar were officially declared as Presidential Candidates and Vice Presidential Candidates in the 2024 Election. Subsequently, there was the official announcement of Gibran Rakabuming as the vice-presidential candidate for Prabowo Subianto in the 2024 Presidential Elections. On November 14, the General Elections Commission drew serial numbers for the 2024 presidential candidates. Finally, on November 28, the 2024 Election Campaign Period commenced and is scheduled to last for 75 days until February 10, 2024.

The situation in Papua remains tense. From January 7 to January 12, 2023, the separatist West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) conducted periodic attacks on Oksibil, the seat of Bintang Mountains Regency in Highland Papua. On February 7, Papuan rebels took a New Zealand national hostage in Nduga, demanding official recognition of Papua’s independence from Indonesia. On April 16, Papuan rebels reported the deaths of 9 Indonesian soldiers, claiming that the operation to rescue the New Zealand hostage in the Papuan jungles had been mishandled.

Indonesia’s stance on the Israel-Palestine conflict continues to influence its political sphere. Indonesia expressed solidarity with Palestine, resulting in the cancellation of its hosting of the U-20 World Cup by FIFA. On November 5, the Defend Palestine Action was held in Central Jakarta to support Palestine during the 2023 Israel–Hamas war. Indonesia also sent a ship to Gaza in response to the escalating violence.

Corruption remains a concern in Indonesian politics. The House of Representatives summoned incumbent coordinating minister Mahfud MD for questioning over allegations of money laundering amounting to more than 300 trillion rupiah within Indonesia’s Ministry of Finance. On May 17, the Minister of Communication and Information Technology, Johnny G. Plate, became a suspect in the Rp. 8 trillion Base Transceiver Station (BTS) 4G case.

On November 7, the Honorary Council of the Constitutional Court dismissed Anwar Usman as Chief Justice for violating the Code of Ethics. Suhartoyo was elected as the new Chief Justice on November 9, replacing Anwar Usman, who is also the brother-in-law of President Joko Widodo. This decision followed a controversial ruling regarding the age limit for presidential and vice-presidential candidates.

A significant development in Indonesia’s healthcare system occurred on August 8, 2023, with the implementation of the new Health Law (Law No.17 of 2023 on Health). Approved by the House of Representatives on July 11, 2023, during its 29th Plenary meeting, the law has monumental implications for the transformation of Indonesia’s healthcare system, despite facing challenges and objections from some medical practitioners.

As the enchanting archipelago of Indonesia braces itself for the theatrical spectacle of the 2024 Indonesian presidential election, the stage is set for the fifth act of this democratic performance, where the nation seeks to anoint the next custodians of its destiny. Nestled among the vibrant tapestry of Asia, boasting the fourth-largest population and a surging economy, Indonesia stands at the crossroads, ready to cast its vote and chart a course forward.

Against a backdrop of lingering challenges in Papua and the persistent shadow of a corrupted administration, the Indonesian people prepare to play their roles as the architects of their own future.