Tag: Malaysia

  • Diplomacy in Harmony: Malaysia and Indonesia’s Joint Border Resolutions

    Diplomacy in Harmony: Malaysia and Indonesia’s Joint Border Resolutions

    Significant strides have been made recently in the resolution of enduring land disputes between Malaysia and Indonesia. In recent months, the barriers that impeded progress have begun to recede. Both nations are determined to reconcile their differences, pool their resources in a collaborative effort, and stand united against external pressures, particularly the assertive actions of China in Southeast Asia. Additionally, there has been a noticeable increase in the soft power of Australia, India, and China within the region.

    Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi of Indonesia has revealed plans to conclude negotiations on three specific land border segments with Malaysia in the Kalimantan-Sabah region by the end of this year. This development marks the end of a 24-year negotiation process for segments including Pulau Sebatik, Sinapad-Sesai, and West Pillar-AA 2. Notably, agreements for these segments were solidified between 2017 and 2019. Furthermore, in June of the previous year, after 18 years of negotiations, both nations reached an agreement on two maritime border segments in the Sulawesi Sea and the southern Malacca Strait.

    Emphasizing the significance of promptly resolving border issues, Retno highlighted the importance of adhering to international laws, specifically citing the UNCLOS 1982 for maritime borders. Both Indonesian Defense Minister Prabowo Subianto and his Malaysian counterpart, Dato Seri Utama Haji Mohamad bin Haji Hasan, have expressed their commitment to addressing these border disputes, including those pertaining to the Ambalat Block.

    Following the 43rd Malaysia-Indonesia General Border Committee meeting in Jakarta, Subianto emphasized their commitment to tackle challenges with a familial and neighborly approach, expressing confidence that most issues are on the verge of resolution. Similarly, Hasan highlighted the fraternal ties between the two nations and expressed optimism regarding the imminent conclusion of the border dispute negotiations.

    In June 2023, during a meeting in Putrajaya, Indonesian President Joko Widodo and Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim reiterated their dedication to addressing the border issue. However, the discussions did not extend to the maritime boundaries in the Ambalat Block, a contentious area spanning 15,235 square kilometers in the Sulawesi Sea, adjacent to Malaysian waters.

    Malaysian officials indicated that the recent maritime boundary agreement did not include the Ambalat Block, known as Blocks ND6 and ND7. The Ambalat issue revolves around overlapping territorial waters, particularly concerning the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) and continental shelf, as outlined in the 1982 UNCLOS. This overlapping jurisdiction has been a source of contention since 1979 when Malaysia was accused of breaching the Continental Shelf Boundary agreement of 1969, which acknowledged Ambalat as part of Indonesia’s territory.

    The question arises: what has spurred the recent progress in talks? One significant factor is China’s claims in the South China Sea. China is acting more aggressively in the region. There is a distinct divergence in how Malaysia and Indonesia respond to Beijing’s maritime assertions. Kuala Lumpur has adopted a robust stance, actively advancing the development of the Kasawari gas field and deploying military jets. In contrast, Indonesia appears to proceed with more caution, a stance that some experts link to potential Chinese investments.

    Malaysia maintains a steadfast commitment to safeguarding its interests in the Luconia Shoals, particularly in developing the substantial Kasawari gas field, estimated to contain 3 trillion cubic feet of recoverable gas resources. This resolute position aligns with Malaysia’s broader approach to addressing China’s overlapping claims in disputed waters.

    Conversely, Indonesia has previously expressed concerns about perceived Chinese incursions into its waters. In 2019, diplomatic notes were lodged opposing what Indonesia considered the encroachment of Chinese fishing vessels in the Natuna Sea. Although Indonesia claims the Natuna Sea as part of its exclusive economic zone, China asserts historic fishing rights over portions of it. Notably, Indonesia is not part of the South China Sea dispute involving China, Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei, and Taiwan.

    Yan Yan, an expert in maritime issues, underscores the complexity of the situation, noting that until the maritime boundary is definitively settled, each state maintains jurisdictional claims over the area. Consequently, Malaysia’s unilateral actions in oil and gas exploration within the disputed area, before a final resolution on maritime boundaries, could be considered an infringement on the sovereign rights of the other party and may impact the outcome of future dispute settlements.

    Malaysia and Indonesia are acutely aware of the current global order, presenting an opportunity for them to stand together and forge a strong bloc. Collaborating to peacefully resolve land disputes signifies a commitment to unity. Therefore, the prospect of a comprehensive resolution in land disputes, including the Ambalat Block, is now more pressing than ever.

  • The Red Sea Conflict: What Ahead of Singapore?

    The Red Sea Conflict: What Ahead of Singapore?

    The Red Sea acts as a vital maritime corridor, facilitating the shortest shipping route between Europe and Asia. With around 12 percent of global trade passing through this crucial waterway, any disruption poses a significant threat to the global economy, particularly impacting Singapore, closely tied to trade between Asia and Europe.

    Since November 19, a series of over 20 assaults on commercial vessels in the southern Red Sea and the Bab al-Mandab Strait has unfolded. The Houthis, a militant group controlling much of Yemen, claim responsibility, targeting ships associated with Israel or destined for Israeli ports. This poses a direct threat to the global supply chain.

    Responding to the escalating situation, Operation Prosperity Guardian, a multinational naval force led by the United States, has been deployed to secure the seaway and intercept Houthi assaults. US warships successfully defended a Singapore-flagged container ship operated by Maersk, sinking three out of four Houthi boats.

    In the aftermath, Iran deployed a warship to the Red Sea, raising tensions further. Major container-shipping companies like Maersk, Hapag-Lloyd, and the Mediterranean Shipping Company have adjusted routes to avoid the affected area, causing significant disruptions in one of the world’s busiest trade lanes.

    A central concern arises regarding whether the challenges in the Red Sea could instigate a supply chain crisis, potentially amplifying the impact on an already slowing global economy. The issues in the Red Sea are not isolated, as the Panama Canal, responsible for 5 percent of seaborne trade, faces challenges due to low water levels linked to drought. Operating at just 55 percent capacity, the canal encounters ongoing restrictions, with plans to increase transit slots from mid-January.

    The necessity for rerouting, resulting from these challenges, disrupts the intricate synchronization integral to global shipping. This disruption could trigger a bullwhip effect, a supply chain phenomenon where minor fluctuations escalate and cause significant repercussions downstream. Diversions may lead to congestion at unprepared ports or a shortage of vessel space, with empty containers stranded unexpectedly, compounding delays and potentially impacting shipping routes beyond those connecting Europe and Asia.

    Concerns extend to the potential impact on global prices, potentially contributing to inflation at a time when signs of a cooling trend had emerged. The duration of the disruption and the occurrence of additional shocks will play a pivotal role in determining the knock-on implications for inflation, as highlighted by experts.

    The growing fragmentation of the global order raises problems for small and open economies like Singapore, which are deeply entwined with the shipping and logistics sector. Singapore has long benefited from the rules-based global order, but these days, the system is starting to show cracks, which makes it more difficult for the country to do business smoothly and disrupts the free movement of goods across borders.

    Some Singapore based shipping companies like Pacific International Lines (PIL), has staunchly expressed its commitment to maintaining Red Sea services to ports in Yemen and East Africa. Despite ongoing operations, the company is implementing heightened security measures and maintaining constant communication with its vessels in the region. Amid uncertainties, freight forwarders foresee a tense period in the upcoming weeks, closely monitoring potential rate increases, last-minute route diversions, and formulating alternative plans for clients. The recent attack on the Singapore-flagged Maersk Hangzhou has intensified concerns, sparking a frenzied scramble for adjustments in response to Maersk’s decision to suspend all sailings through the Red Sea. Other shipping companies are also closely observing the situation, recognizing the potential impact of their decisions on the Singapore economy.

    These challenges extend beyond the realm of shipping enterprises, affecting food importers in Singapore. X-Inc, overseeing food distributors FoodXervices and GroXers, grapples with delays in European shipments, leading to additional costs. The prevailing sentiment in the maritime industry underscores the difficulty of navigating a series of unexpected challenges, ranging from the pandemic to the Suez Canal incident, and now the complex situation in the Red Sea.

    On January 3, Singapore joined 13 other nations in condemning the Houthi militants’ attacks, cautioning of unspecified consequences if the assaults persist. This condemnation followed a similar call from members of the United Nations Security Council, emphasizing the need to halt attacks in one of the world’s most critical shipping lanes. 

    The Houthies pose a grave threat to the global supply chain, the backbone of the world economy. This risk resonates worldwide, with Southeast Asia, especially Singapore feeling the impact keenly. In response, these nations take decisive government-led initiatives, standing firm against this disruption to safeguard their pivotal roles in the interconnected dance of global trade. The threat transforms into an opportunity for unity and resilience, showcasing the unwavering spirit that binds nations even amid challenges.

  • Malaysian Politics in Flux: Sorting Fact from Fiction in the Dubai-Connected Rumors

    Malaysian Politics in Flux: Sorting Fact from Fiction in the Dubai-Connected Rumors

    A rumored meeting between opposition leaders and at least two unidentified Malaysian government MPs in Dubai has been the subject of intense debate in recent weeks. This meeting was allegedly intended to engage with backbenchers in order to convince them to change their allegiance and therefore plan the overthrow of Anwar’s government. A potential new scandal is now unfolding.

    The “Dubai Move” purportedly entailed plans to identify and extend offers to MPs willing to switch support to the opposition, aiming to establish a new government. Ismail Yusop, the deputy director-general of the government’s Community Communications Department, claimed on Saturday that opposition leaders and government representatives gathered in Dubai to delegate tasks related to identifying MPs susceptible to accepting bribes in exchange for switching allegiances. The opposition, however, vehemently denied these allegations.

    Doubtful, former prime minister Ismail Sabri Yaakob claimed not to have known about the purported meeting in Dubai. Yaakob took over when Muhyiddin resigned in August 2021, following an unusual public censure from the king. He angrily denied being there at the alleged occurrence, claiming that he was in Saudi Arabia at the time, on his way to Mecca. 

    Members of Malaysia’s unity government are distancing themselves from any knowledge of an alleged political coup plan after a senior government official revealed a purported attempt to oust Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim over the weekend. Prime Minister Anwar, at a separate event, dismissed the impact of coup talks, stating that it was the opposition’s work and would not affect the government, as quoted by English daily The Star.

    A deputy minister affiliated with Ismail’s UMNO party, Abdul Rahman Mohamad, refuted involvement in any efforts to overthrow the government. Mentioned in a YouTube video detailing the “Dubai Move,” he asserted that he could not have been part of the meeting due to engagement in community work in his constituency. In a Facebook post on Monday, he labelled such accusations as “dangerous” for their potential impact on economic stability and announced his intention to pursue legal action against the responsible YouTube account owner.

    Malaysian politics has a history of tumultuous events. In the midst of the pandemic, influential leaders within the ruling party orchestrated a coup, leading to the downfall of then-Premier Mahathir Mohamad. Muhyiddin Yassin played a crucial role in dismantling the reformist ruling alliance Pakatan Harapan, which had governed for just 22 months. Defecting with over 30 MPs, Muhyiddin formed an alliance with his former party, Umno, which had suffered its first defeat in over 60 years during the 2018 election. He subsequently served as caretaker leader for 17 months. 

    According to reports, Kedah Menteri Besar Datuk Seri Muhammad Sanusi Md Nor has acknowledged a purported scheme by the federal opposition to unseat the current federal government. However, he suggested renaming it the “Chow Kit Move” instead of the “Dubai Move.” Sanusi contends that the term “Dubai Move” serves as a decoy, given the commonality of visits to Dubai, and asserts that the discussions actually transpired in Kuala Lumpur.

    While Sanusi did not disclose additional details about the supposed plot, he casually mentioned terms like the “Bera Move” and “Sembrong Move,” dismissing them as jests meant for amusement. He insisted that if changes in government support align with constitutional principles, they should be permissible under the Federal Constitution.

    Sanusi hinted at the possibility that the current government might not complete its five-year term, asserting that any actions sanctioned by the Federal Constitution should be allowed. He argued that if the government considered the constitutional validity of five opposition MPs pledging support to Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, then reciprocal moves should also be treated similarly.

    Barisan Nasional (BN) Chairman Zahid has criticized attempts to destabilized the unity government, deeming it an futile endeavor. He stressed the importance of prioritizing economic strengthening and urged those involved to await the 16th General Election if they intended to topple the government. Emphasizing compliance with anti-party hopping laws, Zahid insisted that decisions must be substantial, necessitating significant consensus from political parties and not solely relying on sworn statements.

    Despite his position, Zahid refrained from disclosing the identities of those purportedly involved in the move. He underscored the need for collective decisions within political parties, expressing hope that the current government, led by Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim as the prime minister, would prioritize economic fortification, assistance to the people, and continue to demonstrate the stability of the country.

    The shadow of corruption has loomed over prominent Malaysian politicians. Navigating a coalition government in this country is inherently complex, particularly when dealing with individuals with diverse political views. Such dynamics frequently give rise to conspiracies, efforts to overthrow the government, instances of corruption, and interference by vested interests. The ongoing acknowledgment of the “Dubai Move”, despite official government refutations, indicates that the road ahead for the coalition government in the upcoming years is poised to be arduous.

  • Southeast Asian Nations on Asia Cup 2023: An Analysis

    Southeast Asian Nations on Asia Cup 2023: An Analysis

    The Asia Cup football is now more than just a ceremonial event. It  has undergone a remarkable transformation. Once dismissed by even the most ardent football fans in Asia,  it ascended to the status of a major international football competition, capturing the attention of enthusiasts worldwide. Several factors contribute to this newfound prominence, including the impressive performance of Asian teams in the World Cup, the rising number of Asian players in European leagues, and the notable entry of football icon Cristiano Ronaldo into the Asian scene.

    The upcoming 2023 AFC Asian Cup, the 18th edition of the quadrennial tournament, serves as a testament to this heightened status. Organized by the Asian Football Confederation (AFC), this edition includes 24 national teams following the expansion in 2019, with Qatar defending their title. Noteworthy is the participation of Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, and Vietnam—each having hosted the event in 2007—as hosts. Despite the substantial fanbases in these countries, Southeast Asia is often perceived as having weaker contenders in the Asia Cup.

    Even though Southeast Asian countries have not always been thought of as strong competitors, each edition of the event promises an exciting atmosphere, compelling games, and the possibility of unexpected feats on the field. In light of its impending approach, we evaluate each Southeast Asian nation’s chances  in the 2023 AFC Asian Cup. 

    Vietnam

    Fifa Ranking:  94

    Coach: P Troussier

    Vietnam, the top-ranked team in Southeast Asia, finds itself in Group D alongside Japan, Iraq, and Indonesia for the upcoming AFC Asian Cup. 

    Pham Tuan Hai, the star striker of Vietnam’s football team, is poised to make a substantial impact in the 2023 AFC Asian Cup. At 23 years old and playing for Hanoi FC, Hai gained prominence in Southeast Asian football with a standout performance in the 2019 AFC Asian Cup quarter-finals. Additionally, Filip Nguyen, recently granted Vietnamese citizenship, is recognized as one of the country’s most valuable players according to “Transfermarkt”. The growing anticipation surrounding Hai’s performance and the influence he will wield on Vietnam’s journey adds to the tournament’s intrigue. And the coach has  a great career with teams like Japan and Qatar can contribute to the team’s success.

    Despite being grouped with formidable opponents in Iraq and Japan, Vietnam has a recent history of success, including reaching the quarter-finals in the 2019 Asian Cup. The team’s achievements in the 2017 U17 World Cup qualification and the silver medal in the 2018 AFC U-23 Championship demonstrate their youth level improvement. While Iraq and Japan pose tough challenges, Vietnam’s Chances are mild to the second round and Their recent five matches have seen only one  victory, that was against the Philippines.

    Prediction :Group Stage.

    Thailand

    Fifa Ranking:  113

    Coach: Masatada Ishii

    Thailand has earned its status as the most successful football team in Southeast Asia, clinching seven AFF Championship trophies and securing the highest number of senior-level gold medals at the Southeast Asian Games among its regional counterparts. While the team achieved a notable third-place finish in the 1972 AFC Asian Cup when hosting the event, their overall records include seven appearances in the AFC Asian Cup. Despite successful runs in the 1990 and 1998 Asian Games, as well as two appearances in the Summer Olympics, Thailand has faced challenges in making a mark on the continental and global stage. It wasn’t until the 2007 AFC Asian Cup that the team secured its first victory, and a breakthrough occurred in 2019, marking the end of a 47-year wait to advance beyond the group stage.

    As Thailand enters Group C in the upcoming AFC Asian Cup alongside Saudi Arabia, Kyrgyzstan, and Oman, it faces teams with higher rankings. Over the last five matches, Thailand secured only one victory. Despite this, the team is led by a Japanese coach with a commendable track record, including J1 titles and FIFA club runner-up medals. The pre-quarter prospect from this group presents a favorable opportunity for the Thai team to showcase their capabilities.

    Prediction : Possible Second Round.

    Malaysia

    Fifa Ranking:  130

    Coach: Kim Pan-Gon

    Since assuming leadership of the Malaysia national team at the beginning of 2022, the 54-year-old head coach has been diligently instilling a belief in his players, emphasizing their capability to defend aggressively and play with a proactive approach. Under his guidance, Malaysia has made significant strides, ascending from the 154th position in the FIFA rankings when Kim assumed control to the current 130th spot. However, despite this progress, Malaysia remains perceived as an outsider in Group E, which includes formidable opponents like Jordan, Bahrain, and Kim’s homeland, South Korea.

    Historically, Malaysia has never advanced to the second round of the AFC Asian Cup, but there is a sense of anticipation surrounding the resurgence of “Harimau Malaya” this time. Both Jordan and Bahrain boast higher rankings than Malaysia, yet Kim Pan Gon asserts that the pressure is on Malaysia’s opponents, as they will be expected to secure a win. For Malaysia, achieving a draw would be considered a positive outcome. Kim emphasizes the importance of maintaining a tight defensive game and excelling in set pieces to capitalize on the pressure their opponents may feel.

    While aiming for the elusive second round, Kim’s focus lies not only on tactical preparation but also on maintaining the mental resilience and confidence of the Malaysian team throughout the tournament.

     Prediction : Group Stage.

    Indonesia 

    Fifa Ranking:  146

    Coach: Shin Tae-yong

    Indonesia has been placed in Group D alongside Japan, Iraq, and fellow Southeast Asian nation Vietnam for the upcoming tournament. A noteworthy target for Indonesia would be to reach the second round, adding to the nation’s football history. The team holds the distinction of being the first Asian representative in the FIFA World Cup, making their debut in the 1938 edition as the Dutch East Indies. Unfortunately, their sole appearance ended in a 6–0 defeat to eventual finalists Hungary in the first round.

    Despite participating in the AFC Asian Cup five times, Indonesia has yet to progress beyond the group stage in the last four tournaments. However, they did achieve a remarkable bronze medal at the 1958 Asian Games in Tokyo. In a bid for rejuvenation and inspired by the success of Park Hang-seo in Vietnam, the Indonesian Football Association (PSSI) appointed Shin Tae-yong as the coach to lead the team in the upcoming 2023 AFC Asian Cup qualification.

    Under Shin Tae-yong’s management, the senior team underwent significant restructuring, incorporating numerous young players, many of whom emerged from the Indonesia national under-23 football team. The team’s youthful energy was evident as Indonesia reached the 2020 AFF Championship final with an average player age of 23. In a surprising turn, Indonesia secured a 2–1 victory against the host and former Asian champions Kuwait in the 2023 AFC Asian Cup qualification, marking the first official win by a Southeast Asian team against a West Asian host since 2004.

    The final qualification match saw Indonesia dominate with a resounding 7–0 victory over Nepal at the Jaber Al-Ahmad International Stadium, earning them a spot in the 2023 AFC Asian Cup after a 16-year absence. In a notable friendly match on June 19, 2023, Indonesia hosted the 2022 FIFA World Cup champions, Argentina, as part of their preparations for the upcoming 2026 FIFA World Cup qualification. Despite holding their ground against the world champions, a long strike from Leandro Paredes secured a 1–0 win for Argentina just before halftime. In the second half, Cristian Romero’s header extended the lead to 2–0 for the Argentines. Although Indonesia may be considered low-ranked, their potential for a magical performance on the grand stage is undeniable.

    Prediction : Possible Second Round.