Tag: Pakistan

  • With Ties to Afghanistan Fraying, Pakistan Escalates Crackdown on Refugees

    With Ties to Afghanistan Fraying, Pakistan Escalates Crackdown on Refugees

    The relationship between Pakistan, an Islamic republic, and Afghanistan, an Islamic emirate, is deteriorating, particularly as Kabul strengthens its ties with India—Islamabad’s longtime adversary. However, India is only one of Pakistan’s growing concerns. Rising tensions with Afghanistan are compounded by broader security fears, including the large number of Afghan refugees and growing unease over its own Pashtun population, who share deep ethnic and cultural ties with Afghans.

    Islamabad fears that the Baloch nationalist movement could trigger unrest in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, a Pashtun-majority region where resentment toward increasing Punjabi dominance in the government is already evident. If Islamist movements in the region gain momentum, factions within Khyber Pakhtunkhwa could align with Afghanistan, posing a serious threat to Pakistan’s territorial integrity. Authorities also worry that Afghan refugees in the country, many living in poor conditions, could be easily exploited by these factions.

    As tensions between the two countries escalate, Pakistan has intensified its deportation of Afghan refugees, many of whom originally sought asylum during the U.S.-Taliban conflict. Thousands are being forced across the border in what Islamabad claims is a security measure. However, this crackdown has triggered a severe humanitarian crisis. While some deportees may be vulnerable to recruitment by the Taliban or other Islamist groups, many had fled Afghanistan to escape Taliban persecution due to their associations with the U.S. or the former Western-backed Afghan government. Their forced return now places them at grave risk of retribution, including trials and executions under the Taliban’s strict interpretation of Islamic law.

    Refugees whose life under threat 

    In 2023, Pakistan launched a large-scale effort to repatriate nearly four million Afghans who had entered the country over the past four decades. While authorities initially allowed some flexibility, the government has now set a firm deadline of March 31 to expel all undocumented foreign nationals, with search operations intensifying since January.

    Since the beginning of the year, authorities have detained over 1,000 Afghans in Islamabad and forced more than 18,000 to leave the capital and its neighboring city under government orders. Among them are individuals who worked with the U.S. against the Taliban, some of whom were awaiting evacuation to America. Their relocation was halted after former President Donald Trump issued an executive order suspending the refugee resettlement program.

    Today, nearly 20,000 Afghans in Pakistan remain in limbo, waiting for U.S. approval to resettle. For many, returning to Afghanistan is a life-threatening prospect. Forcibly sending them back is akin to sentencing some to death.

    The Politics Behind Refugee Expulsions

    A stronger alliance between India and Afghanistan could further escalate Pakistan’s already deteriorating political climate. Beyond the risk of instability in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Islamabad fears that anti-government factions could gain support from the Taliban to establish an Islamic emirate—one that is even more hardline than Pakistan’s Islamic republic and does not recognize its current leadership as truly Islamic. Additionally, Pakistan has long been a hub for militant training, attracting jihadists from around the world. Many of these fighters, Islamabad worries, could easily be mobilized by Afghanistan as well.

    Pakistan holds the Taliban-led government responsible for failing to rein in the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), a militant group that has repeatedly targeted Pakistani security forces since its formation in 2007. 

    As cross-border tensions escalate, reports of intimidation and mass arrests of Afghan refugees in Pakistan have drawn international criticism. The UN special rapporteur has urged Islamabad to treat Afghan nationals more humanely, while Pakistan has dismissed allegations of mistreatment as “misplaced,” calling on Kabul to facilitate their repatriation. For many Afghans, this forced exodus is not only a humanitarian crisis but also a source of humiliation—one that Afghanistan could exploit in its anti-Pakistan rhetoric.

    For decades, Pakistan, established as a homeland for Muslims in the Indian subcontinent, took pride in its Islamic identity, offering refuge to Afghan migrants and supporting groups working to shape Afghanistan’s Islamic trajectory, including the Taliban. That era is over. Confronted with political backlash and economic hardship, Pakistan has shifted from providing sanctuary to enforcing mass expulsions, prioritizing national survival over Islamic solidarity.

    Broader Implications 

    Both Pakistan and Afghanistan are struggling states, plagued by instability and deep economic crises, worsened by a lack of foreign investment that leaves little hope for recovery. Yet, despite Pakistan’s low ranking on the Human Development Index and weak GDP per capita, it still offers better living conditions than Afghanistan. For many Afghans, staying in Pakistan is a desperate choice—sometimes the lesser of two evils.

    However, Pakistan can no longer afford to bear this burden, either economically or politically. Its decision to forcibly expel Afghan refugees may relieve short-term pressures, but it risks igniting deeper unrest. The move could fuel domestic resistance against the government while creating opportunities for Afghanistan to exploit Pakistan’s growing instability. Caught in the middle are ordinary people—forced to suffer as politics dictate their fate.

  • Balochistan: A Deepening Fault Line and Rising Death Toll

    Balochistan: A Deepening Fault Line and Rising Death Toll

    Violence grips Balochistan once again as the region’s long-standing unrest escalates. Calls for secession grow louder, with military crackdowns forcing Baloch civilians into disappearance while rebel attacks target Pakistani nationals. The divide between the two sides widens, fueling an unrelenting cycle of bloodshed. Baloch nationalists seize the moment, using social media to amplify their cause and strengthen their movement. Meanwhile, Pakistan scrambles to maintain control. The crisis threatens not just its grip on Balochistan’s vast mineral wealth but also the fragile stability of the state itself. Pakistan, already teetering as a failed state, recognizes that Balochistan may only be the beginning—other regions could soon follow. As secessionist movements gain momentum, instability tightens its hold, pushing the country further into uncertainty.

    The latest escalation in the Balochistan-Pakistan conflict reveals a clear pattern: the struggle has evolved into an open confrontation between Baloch rebels and Punjabis. Rebels view Punjabis as the architects of Pakistan’s military and political dominance, holding them responsible for decades of repression against Baloch activists and civilians. Each wave of violence has only deepened their resentment. Now, that hostility is driving a surge in attacks deliberately targeting Punjabi civilians.

    On Tuesday night, gunmen ambushed a passenger bus bound for Lahore, killing seven people in what appeared to be an ethnically motivated attack. They struck in Balochistan’s Barkhan district, a volatile area bordering Afghanistan and Iran. According to senior government official Saadat Hussain, the attackers burst the bus’s tires, forced the passengers to show their identification cards, and dragged those from Punjab off the vehicle. They lined them up and executed them in cold blood.

    Just days earlier, on Friday, an explosion ripped through a vehicle carrying laborers in southwest Pakistan, near the Afghan border, killing at least ten people. The workers were traveling to a market in Harnai when an improvised explosive device obliterated their vehicle. Reports from local media, including Geo News, later confirmed the death toll had risen to eleven, with several of the injured in critical condition. Harnai, located about 160 kilometers east of Quetta, has long remained a flashpoint in Balochistan’s insurgency, where targeted violence continues to escalate.

    The Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) leads the region’s insurgency, relentlessly attacking security forces and targeting Pakistani nationals from other provinces. Last year alone, they killed at least 39 ethnic Punjabis in targeted assaults. Expanding its campaign beyond domestic targets, the BLA has also struck Chinese-backed projects in Balochistan, framing its resistance as a battle against exploitation. The group argues that while foreign investors and Pakistani elites profit from the province’s vast natural resources, local communities remain trapped in poverty, fueling deeper resentment and armed rebellion.

    However, the surge in attacks against Punjabis—who wield significant influence over Pakistan’s political, military, and cultural spheres—is not only escalating the conflict between Baloch insurgents and the state but also creating fractures within the Baloch community itself. While hardliners push for direct retaliation against Pakistanis, others worry that such violence will invite even harsher military crackdowns, fueling more enforced disappearances and civilian casualties.

    Pakistan has already labeled Baloch nationalist leaders as terrorists, including internationally recognized activist Mahrang Baloch. Yet, many believe that further military action in Balochistan will only deepen Baloch resentment toward both the Pakistani government and its people. A forceful crackdown risks alienating foreign allies, whose financial support remains crucial for the country’s survival. This strategic deadlock has left Pakistan hesitant to escalate, even as large swaths of Balochistan slip further from its control.

    The relentless cycle of bloodshed, driven by both sides, has only entangled the conflict further. Any hope for peaceful negotiations grows increasingly remote, as neither party shows a willingness to engage without external pressure. Yet, no such force is actively shaping the situation. The United States, once deeply involved in Pakistan’s affairs, has largely withdrawn. The Baloch reject any intervention from China, while Britain and the Arab states would only act with Pakistan’s approval—an unlikely scenario given the current tensions.

    Until someone steps in to mediate talks and broker a resolution, the violence will continue. Pakistani forces will detain or kill more Baloch in crackdowns, while desperate, jobless Pakistanis will keep moving to Balochistan, risking their lives only to become targets of insurgent attacks. In the coming days, Pakistan’s headlines will report the same grim reality: escalating bloodshed, deepening divisions, and a nation failing to contain a conflict spiraling beyond its control.

  • Curtains for Imran Khan? Inside Pakistan’s Bid to End His Career

    Curtains for Imran Khan? Inside Pakistan’s Bid to End His Career

    Pakistan’s government, military, and other authorities are actively sidelining the populist former Prime Minister Imran Khan, aiming to remove him from mainstream politics, even as he continues to command significant public support. His popularity exposes the stark contrast between him and the entrenched nepotistic political elite that has long dominated Pakistan’s power structures. Supporters rallying behind Khan and his banned party are disrupting the alliance of the military, political leaders, and elites. In response, the authorities have inundated him with charges and systematically closed all avenues for his return to mainstream politics.

    Imran Khan’s story is fascinating, tracing his journey from a celebrated cricket star to one of the most hunted figures in Pakistan. Once the poster boy of the nation, Khan excelled first as a cricket legend, leading Pakistan to its first World Cup victory as captain, and later as a politician who defied traditional party lines to become Pakistan’s Prime Minister. He led his party, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), to victory, governing from 2018 to 2022. However, Khan’s tenure ended abruptly after he lost the support of the powerful military and was ousted through a no-confidence vote backed by dynastic and corrupt political rivals.

    Since his removal, authorities have relentlessly pursued him, though his supporters argue that while he is not entirely free from allegations of corruption, the current rulers—embroiled in far greater scandals—are spared such scrutiny. Speculation persists that Khan’s ouster stemmed not only from political reasons but also from tensions with the military, which some allege has ties to Britain and the West. Reports suggest military leaders were displeased with Khan’s deepening relationship with China, fueling friction. Khan publicly accused the army leadership of plotting his assassination, a claim that escalated tensions further.

    As Pakistan, often described as a military-dominated state, grappled with these power struggles, the establishment appeared determined to remove Khan from the political arena altogether, cementing his fall from grace.

    In a significant escalation against Imran Khan, the court sentenced the former prime minister to 14 years in prison on corruption charges on January 17, further compounding his legal troubles. Authorities have already detained Khan for more than 18 months while pursuing over 100 cases against him. The court found Khan and his wife, Bushra Bibi, guilty of illegally acquiring valuable plots of land worth billions of rupees through a corrupt deal with a property tycoon. In addition to the prison sentence, Khan received a fine of 1 million Pakistani rupees, while Bibi was handed a seven-year sentence.

    The accountability court, specially convened inside Rawalpindi’s Adiala Prison where Khan has been held since his arrest in August 2023, delivered the verdict. Bibi was arrested in the courtroom immediately after the ruling. Khan has consistently claimed that the cases against him are part of a broader “political witch hunt” designed to prevent his return to power.

    Since his arrest, Imran Khan has faced an increasing number of charges, including murder, terrorism, and breaching national security. He was convicted in three cases, including for selling state secrets and an illegal marriage, but those convictions were later overturned or suspended last year. Despite this, Khan has remained in prison.

    On Friday, following the verdict of 14 years in prison, reports emerged that senior PTI members had met with military leadership to discuss a possible compromise. However, speaking outside the court after his conviction, Khan emphasized that he would not engage in any backdoor deals to secure his freedom. He made it clear that he would neither make any deal nor seek any relief, asserting that those who oppose dictatorship are punished.

    Khan seems to be embracing the role of a martyr, gaining considerable support from the public who see him as a symbol of resistance against a failing system. As a result, many people have been rallying in large-scale demonstrations to show their solidarity with him.

    There is no doubt about the widespread corruption in Pakistan, with Imran Khan also being a part of it. However, as he faces punishment, the outcome isn’t sending a clear message against corruption. Instead, it fuels public sympathy for him, underscoring the growing disillusionment with the system. This deep-seated corruption has played a significant role in Pakistan’s struggles as a failed state, with many living in extreme poverty. It seems that the public increasingly views Imran Khan as a symbol of resistance. 

    Once heralded as the heir to the prosperous Mughal Empire, Pakistan now finds itself grappling with a severe crisis caused by its broken system. In this context, Imran Khan has become a symbol of the people’s hatred toward the political establishment. The authorities, fearing the growing public support for Khan, are determined to stop him at any cost.

  • Uneasy Allies: The Quiet Growth of India’s Ties with Taliban-Controlled Afghanistan

    Uneasy Allies: The Quiet Growth of India’s Ties with Taliban-Controlled Afghanistan

    Afghanistan has always been immensely important to Indian rulers, serving as a gateway to the Persian-Turkic world. After gaining independence in 1947, India recognized Afghanistan’s strategic value as a counterweight to Pakistan’s hostility. India invested heavily in Afghanistan’s development and actively participated in its social, economic, and cultural spheres. During Afghanistan’s short-lived democratic period, following the United States overthrow of the first Taliban emirate, India and Afghanistan forged their strongest ties, with Indian investments and relations reaching unprecedented heights.

    However, the Taliban, an Islamic extremist organization, has consistently opposed India and its involvement in Afghanistan. When the Taliban first seized control in 1996 and established the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan with support from Pakistan and the United States, they pushed India to the margins. Their rigid Islamic ideology, including calls for the Islamization of India, directly threatened Indian interests too. The Taliban’s return to power in 2021 raised immediate concerns about India’s diminishing influence in Afghanistan, jeopardizing its strategic presence in the region.

    Though In recent years, a significant shift has unfolded. The current Taliban leadership has grown increasingly at odds with its longtime ally, Pakistan, leading to escalating tensions that risk boiling over into open conflict. This rift presents an unexpected opportunity for India, under a Hindu nationalist government, to pursue strategic engagement with the Taliban despite the stark ideological differences. What once seemed an improbable partnership has begun to take shape, with recent developments pointing to a surprising and growing rapprochement between India and the Taliban.

    As much of the international community maintains its distance from the Taliban’s repressive rule, India has quietly intensified its outreach. On Wednesday, in Dubai, Indian Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri sat down with Amir Khan Muttaqi, the Taliban’s acting foreign minister, marking the highest-level official meeting between India and the Taliban since the latter’s takeover of Kabul in August 2021.

    The discussions, as outlined by Afghanistan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, touched upon a range of pressing issues: the evolving security situation within Afghanistan, India’s role in supporting humanitarian efforts and development initiatives, and the use of Iran’s Chabahar Port to open trade routes to the beleaguered nation. The Taliban’s statement, framed within the context of what it termed a “Balanced” foreign policy focused on economic priorities, pointed to its aim of deepening political and economic ties with India—an acknowledgment of India’s growing importance as both a regional and economic player in this complicated geopolitical landscape.

    India has also expressed its support for the burgeoning relationship. After the meeting, India’s Foreign Office stated that in response to a request from the Afghan side, India would provide additional material assistance, initially focusing on the health sector and refugee rehabilitation. The two sides also discussed strengthening cooperation in sports, particularly in cricket.

    The Taliban, for its part, is in desperate need of financial support. The United States has fully disengaged from Afghanistan, the Gulf countries have limited capacity without U.S. backing, and Russia is now weak, leaving China and India as the primary players. Afghanistan, rich in minerals and strategically located, makes it a target for both countries. India, driven by its desire to not only challenge Pakistan but also compete with China, seeks to reassert itself in a key regional theater.

    The recent meeting between India’s Foreign Secretary and Afghanistan’s Foreign Minister is part of a series of ongoing talks between the two countries. In November, senior Indian Foreign Ministry official JP Singh held multiple meetings with Taliban representatives, including a notable discussion with Acting Defense Minister Mullah Mohammad Yaqoob. Earlier, in June 2022, India sent a “Technical Team” to Kabul to oversee the delivery of humanitarian aid and assess how New Delhi could further assist the Afghan people. Since the opening of the technical mission, the Taliban has repeatedly sought to station its own representative in Delhi. In response, India has allowed a Taliban representative, Ikramuddin Kamil, to work at the Afghan consulate in Mumbai.

    No nation has yet reached the point of formally recognizing the Taliban regime, especially given its ongoing brutal suppression of women. This meeting, however, will likely be seen as highly favorable by the Taliban, which is currently facing military pressure and additional stress from Pakistan. As an old Indian proverb goes, “The enemy of my enemy is my friend.” Despite the stark ideological differences between the two countries, Afghanistan has effectively become a de facto ally for India.

  • India’s Khalistan Paradox: Divisions That Endure

    India’s Khalistan Paradox: Divisions That Endure

    Sikhs, one of the many religious communities in India, have long pursued political ambitions and established their own territories in the northern part of the Indian subcontinent over the centuries. The religion, a blend of Hinduism and Islam, was once the state religion of the Khalsa Raj, which existed on the map from 1799 to 1849 and stretched over a large area during its period. Sikhs fought against the rulers of India, the Mughals and the British, but ultimately, their kingdom fell under British rule and became part of British India. After the British split the kingdom’s territory between India and Pakistan, Punjab, the heart of the Sikh kingdom, was divided into Western Punjab, which went to Pakistan, and Eastern Punjab, which remained part of India. While most of the Sikh population moved to Eastern Punjab after facing persecution from Islamist forces in Pakistan, India warmly welcomed them and appointed Sikhs to key positions in the government. The initial harmony between Sikhs and Hindus was strong, as Sikhs did not share the same rivalry with Hindus as they did with Muslims. However, the demand for an independent Sikh state, under the name of Khalistan, soon began to trouble the relationship.

    Besides India and Pakistan, a large Sikh diaspora existed in English-speaking countries due to prolonged British rule. As Sikhs gained wealth and influence, they amplified the demand for a separate state by carving it out of India. Khalistan, the proposed land for the Sikh state, was supported by overseas Sikhs and Western governments, who feared India’s growing alignment with the Soviet Union. The demand for Sikh statehood received heavy funding from the West and Pakistan, which, after losing East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) due to India’s intervention, saw this as an opportunity to support Sikh youth. This eventually led to the Sikh insurgency in the 1980s and 1990s. During this period, the region of Punjab experienced a wave of terrorist acts, prompting the Indian government to respond with a strong stance. This led to the assassination of India’s then-Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi, by her Sikh bodyguards. The assassination caused widespread anger and riots against Sikhs, with propaganda spreading in India that equated Sikhs with Muslims—suggesting both prioritize religion over their motherland. Anti-Sikh campaigns were carried out across India. Once a beloved community, Sikhs became increasingly viewed with suspicion. Overseas Sikhs exploited these tensions to rally youth, recruit them, and spread their propaganda both abroad and in India. They used both peaceful and violent means to keep the issue alive among the Sikh diaspora and in India.

    As India’s domestic politics shifted toward Hindu nationalism, with the BJP holding a strong majority and Narendra Modi emerging as a powerful figure, overseas Sikhs feared that India would assimilate the Sikh population through nationalism. Sikh leaders, who are highly influential in Canadian politics, and community leaders in the UK, USA, and other countries, began attacking Modi and the BJP, pressuring their respective governments to take a tougher stance against him. In response, Modi targeted Khalistan supporters fiercely. The clashes became more frequent, and Sikhs supporting Khalistan attempted a coup under the guise of the farmers’ protests. As Modi tightened his grip on India, the Khalistan movement shifted its focus to foreign countries, particularly Canada, the USA, the UK, and Australia, where Khalistan supporting Sikhs launched large campaigns against India, attacking Hindus, delivering hate speeches, and desecrating the Indian flag.

    By the 2020s, Sikh leaders, long recognized for their provocative rhetoric against India and Hindus, began to face an alarming wave of anonymous attacks. On June 18, 2023, one of the most prominent voices in this movement, Hardeep Singh Nijjar, was fatally shot in the parking lot of a Sikh temple in Surrey, British Columbia This triggered a huge outcry in the Sikh diaspora against India, with some accusing Indian diplomats and the Indian spy agency RAW of orchestrating the attack. A few weeks later, Khalistani supporters set fire to the Indian consulate in San Francisco, and Indian diplomats were subsequently targeted by Khalistanis. Canada used this attack to criticize India. Justin Trudeau, the Canadian prime minister and a staunch supporter of Sikhs, directly entered the conflict, turning it into an India-Canada dispute. In 2023, the United States also came out against India by alleging a plot by the Indian government to assassinate New York–based Sikh separatist Gurpatwant Singh Pannun, a spokesperson for the pro-Khalistan group Sikhs for Justice, who openly threatened to bomb Indian planes, among other actions.

    India will not allow any further secession, as it now has a Hindu nationalist government working toward an Akhand Bharat, a union of all Indian subcontinent countries. However, Sikhs are receiving significant support from Canada, which has a large Sikh voter base and influential leaders like Jagmeet Singh. As a result, the demand for Khalistan will likely continue to grow. If India does not make serious efforts to improve the living conditions of Sikhs within the country, the diaspora can easily utilize them. Moreover, regardless of whether China is involved, the West does not want a superpower to emerge in Asia and may sponsor attempts at secessionism in India to destabilize it. As a result, Khalistan will likely receive continued support from the West. This will push India closer to Russia and China, creating turbulence in its relations with the West. Therefore, Khalistan will continue to act as a barrier between India and the West.

  • Will Pakistan’s Shias Meet the Same Fate as Its Other Minorities?

    Will Pakistan’s Shias Meet the Same Fate as Its Other Minorities?

    Pakistan, the first Islamic Republic, has gained notoriety for its treatment of minorities, who endure forced conversions, abductions of their daughters, killings, or imprisonment under harsh blasphemy laws. The country’s troubled history with minorities spans decades and has become institutionalized over time. Although divisions among communities were visible from its inception, the dictatorship of General Zia-ul-Haq, who ruled from 1977 to 1988, entrenched these divisions further. Under his rule, Pakistan’s laws became deeply rooted in Islamic principles. Zia’s Islamization policies enforced a strict Sunni interpretation of Islam, marginalizing other communities. These policies, combined with Islamic politics, deepened societal divisions and escalated violence against minorities.

    Persecution under Islamic laws initially targeted non-Muslims, such as Hindus, Sikhs, and Christians, who chose to remain in Pakistan despite warnings of potential dangers. However, discrimination soon extended to sects within Islam. The Ahmadiyya community faced brutal suppression, and in 1974, a constitutional amendment officially declared them “Non-Muslim,” effectively giving extremists a license to attack them.

    Shias, the largest religious minority group in Pakistan, have also been frequent targets of sectarian violence. The historical feud between Shias and Sunnis, rooted in centuries-old differences in religious practices, continues to fuel such violence. Extremists often view acts like killing each other as religious duties. In Pakistan’s Sunni-majority republic, Shias have faced systemic oppression and exclusion from the mainstream. Mosques are frequently bombed during religious festivals and other significant occasions, while Shia followers are pressured to conform to Sunni practices and teachings.

    Shias actively resisted movements that threatened their religious practices, including Zia-ul-Haq’s Islamization campaign, which they viewed as “Sunnification.” In July 1980, 25,000 Shias staged a famous protest in Islamabad against these laws. However, such protests only deepened hostilities. Despite their resistance, sectarian violence continued unabated, and deaths became a grim norm. Between 2001 and 2018, approximately 4,800 Shias were killed in sectarian violence

    After a brief period of increased political clashes taking center stage, the Sunni-Shia conflict is once again escalating in the Islamic Republic, particularly since the last parliamentary elections. In the latest development, around 300 families have fled sectarian violence in northwest Pakistan, as fresh clashes killed 32 people last Saturday. Sporadic fighting between Sunni and Shia Muslims in the mountainous Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province, which borders Afghanistan, has claimed the lives of about 150 people in recent months.  The independent Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) reported that 79 people died between July and October due to sectarian violence. The death toll is expected to rise as fighting between Shia and Sunni communities continues in multiple locations. The recent clashes, which left 32 dead—14 Sunnis and 18 Shias—occurred just two days after gunmen opened fire on two separate convoys of Shia Muslims traveling with a police escort in Kurram, killing 43 people and leaving 11 in critical condition, according to officials. On Friday evening, in Kurram, a once semi-autonomous region, Shia Muslims attacked several Sunni locations in retaliation. 

    The conflict is set to intensify in the coming days, with Shias likely to endure even greater suffering. Pakistan’s ineffective administration is ill-equipped to address the situation, and the increasing Sunnification of its politics, combined with the Taliban’s growing influence in the region, will exacerbate the persecution of Shias. The weakening Islamic Republic of Iran will further contribute to this crisis. 

    Pakistan, as an ally of the United States, has effectively masked these atrocities from global scrutiny by fabricating data and manipulating narratives to downplay the extent of persecution. As a result, the international community remains largely unaware of the true scale of injustices faced by minorities and marginalized sects in the country. However, Pakistan cannot advance or survive while promoting deeply entrenched sectarian divisions. Emphasizing Islamic fervor and anti-India rhetoric might briefly unite factions, but it does not provide a sustainable path forward.

  • Pakistan Set to Widen Crackdown on Opposition Using Anti-Terror Laws

    Pakistan Set to Widen Crackdown on Opposition Using Anti-Terror Laws

    Pakistan, a country formed for South Asian Muslims by the British, is facing a deep existential crisis. The people are beginning to rise against the miserable conditions imposed by the ruling power bloc, a wealthy elite that has controlled the state for decades. While this elite thrives, the general population suffers immensely due to economic collapse. This power bloc, composed of the military, British-linked politicians, and Islamic clerics, has shaped Pakistan and led it through its turbulent 74-year history. Now, however, the public seems fed up with this system and has begun to push back on a large scale, posing a significant threat not only to this entrenched elite but to Pakistan itself.

    The ongoing clashes between the public and the elite began when the ousted, outspoken Prime Minister Imran Khan decided to challenge the establishment as a representative of the people. Though he, too, is a product of the same elite, his emergence as a figurehead against the ruling bloc has escalated the conflict to new heights. Now, the imprisoned former prime minister has become a national symbol of revolution. Pakistan’s military and police are intensifying their crackdown on Imran Khan, his party, and their supporters, using anti-terrorism laws in a determined bid to quash dissent.

    Protesters and authorities have clashed repeatedly across the state. Over the weekend, hundreds of riot police deployed tear gas and baton charges as supporters of Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) gathered in Islamabad and Lahore. Dozens of PTI members, including prominent leaders and lawyers, were arrested, with hundreds more, including Khan, facing charges under terrorism laws.

    Khan, 72, has been incarcerated since August 2023, facing over 100 charges of corruption and terrorism, which he claims are politically motivated, following his decision to confront the authorities. He has been forcibly sidelined from mainstream politics, and his party was banned from participating in the last general election, paving the way for the return of the elite to parliament. However, public support for Khan remains evident, as many party-backed candidates who ran as independents were elected.

    Pakistani authorities have also decided to take a more aggressive stance against groups that may challenge their authority, beyond just PTI. There have been mass arrests and a ban on the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM), an organization advocating for the rights of Pakistan’s ethnic Pashtun community, an inter-state group also prominent in Afghanistan, under terrorism laws.

    The announcement came suddenly on Sunday night, when the interior ministry imposed the ban on PTM, which has long criticized Pakistan’s powerful military establishment for its role in abuses and enforced disappearances in Pashtun-dominated areas of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan. Recently, PTM had begun mobilizing large numbers and was planning a historic three-day national gathering in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa this week. The gathering was intended as a response to the worsening security situation, an increase in militant attacks, and abuses committed by the military against Pashtuns. In a rare show of unity, PTI and other opposition parties had agreed to join the event.

    The Pakistani government, widely seen as a proxy for the military, is increasingly adopting an iron-fisted approach to suppress opposition, even as it struggles with growing economic and security crises. The military fears rising dissent from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Balochistan, and Kashmir could lead to separatism. Militant attacks have continued to escalate in Pakistan’s border areas following the Taliban’s takeover of neighboring Afghanistan, with little sign of improvement in the security situation. Nearly 1,000 people have been killed in militant attacks and counter-terrorism operations in the past three months alone, most of them in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan.

    While senior figures in the ruling PML-N and the military have repeatedly blamed Imran Khan and PTI for the country’s challenges, the reality is that Pakistan is facing an existential crisis, with the public growing increasingly disillusioned with the administration. Calls for Islamic solidarity and anti-India sentiment are unlikely to resolve the country’s deepening problems.

  • Why Is South Asia So Involved in the Israel-Palestine Conflict?

    Why Is South Asia So Involved in the Israel-Palestine Conflict?

    There are countless problems to be fixed in the poor South Asian countries, including India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Maldives, and Nepal. Even though they have different positions and perspectives, they all struggle with poor living conditions, lack of employment, corruption, political dynasties, and more. While these issues dominate the daily lives of their populations, they are increasingly focused on a different concern: the Israel-Palestine conflict, which they seem to adopt as their own. In India, society is divided between pro-Israel and pro-Palestine supporters, and it has become a heated topic in Pakistan, where pro-Israel sentiment is almost unthinkable, but people have taken to the streets in support of Palestine. On September 29, pro-Hezbollah protesters clashed with police in the streets of Karachi, Pakistan’s largest city, after demonstrators attempted to reach the U.S. Consulate. The police fired tear gas as protesters threw stones and attempted to breach barriers. A similar wave of unrest is also rising in Bangladesh. Why? Why are these countries so deeply involved in this conflict?

    The answer is clear and specific: religion. South Asia is deeply intertwined with religion. Both the population and administration are heavily influenced by religious beliefs. The region, which is the birthplace of prominent religions like Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism, and Sikhism, is also home to around 600 million Muslims. Clashes between followers of Indian religions and Islam, as well as intra-Islamic conflicts, are common in these countries. Since Palestine is an emotional issue for Muslims globally, it has always featured prominently in South Asian society and politics. The Islamic countries in the region—Pakistan, Bangladesh, and the Maldives – harbor strong animosity toward Israel. Every incident in Gaza and the West Bank brings people to the streets, sparking anti-Israel protests. Calls for tougher actions by their governments against Israel, as well as protests against Western embassies and consulates, are common in these nations. Fundamentalist and terrorist groups unite in their anti-Israel stance, advocating for the boycott of Israeli products. Politicians in these countries are often reluctant to engage with Israeli officials because, regardless of their achievements, they risk being labeled as anti-religious or anti-national. The ongoing events in Gaza and Lebanon have further fueled hatred towards Israel among the population. Many Pakistanis believe that, as a nuclear power, Pakistan could do more to support groups fighting the holy war against Israel by supplying weapons, and they are willing to join the fight. A similar sentiment prevails in Bangladesh. Many believe that if the current conflict escalates into regional wars, people from Pakistan and Bangladesh, who are largely poor, unemployed, but deeply religious, could be recruited by these groups.

    In India, the situation is more complex. The socialist, communist, and Islamist parties, which rely on the votes of the more than 15 million-strong Muslim population, have consistently raised the Israel-Palestine issue in the public sphere. The Indian National Congress (INC), the grand old socialist party that led the government for most of independent India’s history, supported the two-state solution, recognizing both Israel and Palestine. However, the party and its government gave a clear preference to Palestine and its leaders, who were often celebrated as revolutionaries, with the Indian media also contributing to India’s pro-Palestine stance.

    However, when Narendra Modi and his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), a Hindu nationalist party, came to power in 2014, the situation changed dramatically. While the government did not abandon the two-state solution, it shifted away from its pro-Palestine stance and gave more support to Israel. Modi, who developed a personal friendship with Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu, strengthened the relationship on a national level as well. Consequently, the Indian government became more aggressive in countering pro-Palestine narratives, promoting India’s historical ties with Jews, and pushing a more pro-Israel perspective.

    Cities in India that once saw massive rallies in solidarity with Palestine now witness almost no demonstrations for the cause. As the public became more educated about the Israel-Palestine conflict from its roots, many began to see Palestine as primarily an Islamist issue. As a result, Islamist organizations in India no longer receive the widespread public support they once did, causing significant disappointment among the country’s Muslim population

    This evolving landscape of distrust and fundamentalism has become another major concern in the region. South Asia has no direct connection to the Israel-Palestine conflict beyond religious ties, but it is now causing further divisions within societies, most visibly in India. India’s shifting stance towards Israel has generated significant discontent among its Islamic neighbors, causing their hatred for Israel to also evolve into hostility towards India. This is clearly evident in social media spaces, where Indian groups and those from neighboring Islamic countries are often in conflict. As always, this deepens the divisions within societies that are already fractured by religious views. Therefore, we can say that, aside from Israel and its immediate neighbors, South Asia is also heating up under the mounting tensions between Israel and Hezbollah.

  • Will Balochistan Secede from Pakistan?

    Will Balochistan Secede from Pakistan?

    Independent Balochistan, a demand for ethnic statehood, dates back decades. It is quite similar to the demand for Kurdistan, an ethnic state for Kurds, by seceding Kurdish-majority regions from different countries. In the case of Balochistan, the land of the Baloch tribes, they seek to form a new state by seceding Baloch-dominated territories in Pakistan, Iran, and Afghanistan. Although the demand for statehood is significant across Baloch territories in these countries, the demand from Pakistan is more intense, as they have acted more forcefully against it than others. This has led to full-scale conflicts between the Pakistani army and Baloch militants in 1948, 1958–59, 1962–63, and 1973–1977, with a new ongoing insurgency at varying levels since 2003.

    Photo Credit: Wikimedia Commons

    Although the Baloch are now Sunni Muslims, they have historically opposed the creation of Pakistan, and some even opposed the partition of India. In response, Pakistan has consistently treated the Baloch harshly. It is clear that Pakistan will never agree to secede its largest province, which is roughly the size of France and one of the largest provinces by area within any country. However, despite Balochistan being rich in natural resources such as gold, diamonds, silver, and copper, it is sparsely populated, economically underdeveloped, and one of the poorest regions in Pakistan.

    Pakistan has attempted several measures to assimilate Balochistan with the rest of the country, such as promoting the national language Urdu while suppressing native languages like Balochi and Brahui, and arresting local leaders by branding statehood advocates as terrorists and Indian supporters. Additionally, Pakistan has encouraged migration to Balochistan to alter the demographics, but the people have resisted, with Baloch organizations resorting to extreme measures like suicide bombings and targeted killings. This has allowed Pakistan to label Baloch organizations as terrorist groups.

    The region has always attracted the interest of Pakistani politicians due to its valuable mineral resources and strategic location. When China initiated the Gwadar port project in Balochistan – a natural deep-sea port at the mouth of a critical trade route – Pakistani politicians tried to use the situation to benefit from the migration of workers from the rest of Pakistan. However, this move was met with significant opposition. As Pakistan’s political and economic situation worsens day by day, the secessionist movement in Balochistan is rising to an unprecedented level.

    The Baloch Liberation Army (BLA), an ethno-nationalist militant group operating out of Afghanistan, regularly targets the Pakistan Armed Forces, civilians, and foreign nationals. Recognized as a terrorist organization in multiple countries, the BLA recently launched Operation Herof, striking Pakistani army checkpoints and camps along key highways in Balochistan. This operation reportedly claimed the lives of nearly 102 people, including civilians, and led to the capture of significant parts of the Bela army camp. The BLA has also set up checkpoints across the province to ambush military convoys, indicating a broader effort to achieve secession from Pakistan.

    The BLA claimed that over 40 soldiers were killed in the attack on the main army camp in Bela. According to the group, its Fidayeen unit maintained control over a substantial portion of the camp for six hours as part of Operation Herof, with the Majeed Brigade spearheading the assault on the occupying forces in Bela, resulting in the deaths of more than 40 military personnel.

    Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif condemned the violence, asserting that the separatists aim to disrupt China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) development projects, which seek to expand Beijing’s influence in Pakistan and across Central and South Asia. This is viewed as a counter to the influence of the United States and India in the region. Sharif vowed retaliation, noting that the violence coincided with a visit from a top Chinese general to Islamabad.

    Pakistan will definitely retaliate, as it has a history of doing so. According to Amnesty International, over 10,000 Baloch have disappeared in Pakistan since 2011. This challenge presents opportunities for both the Pakistani army and the government. The Pakistani army, which holds control over the state, will likely use the situation to act more aggressively in Balochistan, gaining control over more areas and justifying actions in other problematic regions. The Pakistani government, which is not well-liked due to issues like banning opposition, corruption, nepotism, and poor governance, sees this as an opportunity to strengthen its grip on the state.

    There was opposition to the government over Chinese-run projects that have led to significant debt for Pakistan and offered little benefit to local communities. Now, the government has a reason to suppress this dissent and push its anti-India agenda, which could unify the nation and seek warmer relations with Iran and Afghanistan – both of which are also dealing with secessionist movements from their Baloch populations.

    How Pakistan handles this situation will be crucial in determining the country’s future. Pakistan already faces significant challenges in its northwestern territories, and if it fails in Balochistan, India will most likely intervene, leading to the loss of occupied Kashmir. Furthermore, Pakistan could face mass protests in Sindh and Punjab that could weaken the union’s control, similar to what happened in former East Pakistan, now Bangladesh. Therefore, the management of the Balochistan issue will play a key role in shaping the future of the world’s first Islamic republic.

  • How Long Can Pakistan Remain a Republic?

    How Long Can Pakistan Remain a Republic?

    Pakistan, a state formed by the division of British India in response to the long-standing demands of Islamists in the Indian subcontinent, has always been a battleground between conservative Muslims and British-educated Muslims. From the country’s inception in 1947, leaders like Muhammad Ali Jinnah, who strongly advocated for Pakistan and led the movement for its creation in British India, envisioned a modern state that included Sunni and Shia Muslims, as well as Ahmadiyya, who are considered outcasts of Islam, and Dalits, the outcasts of India. However, there was strong opposition from conservatives who demanded an Islamic state based on Sharia law, which excludes rights for anyone outside Sunni Islam.

    Pakistan has never fully resolved these internal conflicts, which have even called its foundation into question. The 1956 constitution reflected these disputes by blending British modern values with Islamic principles, declaring Pakistan the world’s first “Islamic Republic.” Initially, British-supported and British-educated individuals dominated the administration, maintaining a relatively peaceful period in the country. Since the 1970s, the situation has changed dramatically. Corruption among leaders, the influx of Middle Eastern funds promoting a strict form of Islam, the Islamic Revolution in Iran that rejected modernism, the rise of the Islamic Emirate in Afghanistan, and the resurgence of Hindu nationalism in India have all fueled support for Islamist factions in Pakistan. Political parties that once championed coexistence have moved towards more radical stances. Combined with worsening living conditions in a failing state, these factors have contributed to the rise of terrorism. Pakistan, which sheltered Osama bin Laden and conducted terrorist operations in several countries, eventually became one of the hotspots of Islamic terrorism, making life increasingly difficult for seculars and liberals.

    Now, Islamist factions, including Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and Islamist political parties like Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), led by Imran Khan, are more influential in the country than conventional ones, reflecting the changing mood in the state. This shift is evident in the transformation of the country’s most popular leader, Imran Khan, once the stylish captain of Pakistan’s national cricket team, who was married to a liberal British woman and has now become one of the country’s most prominent Islamic preachers. He established an Islamist party and married a wife who wears a burqa – a change visible throughout the state.

    Pakistan, once considered a potential competitor with India in science and technology with strong support from the UK, the US, and Saudi Arabia—all of whom sought to elevate Pakistan as a rival to India – now appears to be deteriorating into a more extremist Islamic state, resembling Afghanistan. However, this does not satisfy the Islamists, who demand further Islamization of the administration. Attacks on British-influenced or modern-valued administrative systems and institutions have increased under the banner of anti-colonialism. In addition to frequent terrorist attacks and bomb blasts targeting opposition groups, attacks on police stations and courts – key remnants of the British-introduced system – have become increasingly common. In the border regions near Afghanistan and Iran, where the TTP (commonly known as the Pakistani Taliban) is strong, there was a record surge in violence last year. According to Al Jazeera, Pakistan’s two border provinces have seen a 93 percent rise in attacks since the TTP ended its ceasefire in 2022. Most recently, a video trending on X shows Islamic clerics attempting to invade the Supreme Court to attack the Chief Justice, whom they accuse of supporting minorities. It is clear that, after politics, the judiciary and the law have become the latest targets of the Islamists. Even though the Islamic Republic of Pakistan already has biased Islamic codes that make life miserable for minorities, the Islamists demand the introduction of complete Sharia law, which would undermine human rights and modern values.

    The question is how long Pakistan can continue with the current constitution and Islamic Republic status, which includes many British and modern values, as extremism and radicalism rise. It is noted that people do not have much belief in the current administration system, which imposes tough living conditions. There is also little expectation of change in the administration style, as politicians are seen as embezzling money to the UK, and the country is heavily in debt to China. This creates a perfect environment for radicalism to grow. With the situation in Iran, Afghanistan, or Bangladesh not far from Pakistan, a revolution is also possible here. However, the result is unlikely to be a modern government like in many Muslim countries; it may be a more Islamic government, potentially worse than Afghanistan, as Pakistanis may feel the need to prove they are more authentic Muslims than the Arabs.