Tag: Singapore

A video featuring Singapore’s Prime Minister, Lawrence Wong, has gained widespread attention across the globe, despite the country’s relatively low profile in global politics. The video quickly went viral, particularly among critics of former President Donald Trump and those opposed to trade wars, as Mr. Wong addressed the flaws and consequences of the tariffs imposed by the Trump administration. In the five-minute clip, Mr. Wong speaks calmly yet firmly, warning that America’s withdrawal from the global trading system it once helped shape poses serious risks—not only for Singapore but for the global economy. The video was shared widely, even by people who were unfamiliar with Mr. Wong or Singapore, recognizing the significance of his message.

While some opposition voices in Singapore initially dismissed the video as an election tactic aimed at stoking fear, it later became clear that the issue is indeed pressing. Singapore is expected to feel the effects in two ways: directly, through tariffs on its exports, and indirectly, through disruptions in global trade. As a major transit and shipping hub, Singapore is vulnerable to these economic shocks

The direct punishment

Singapore was unexpectedly included in U.S. President Donald Trump’s sweeping universal tariffs, which imposed a 10 percent duty on its exports. The decision stunned both the Singaporean government and its business sector. According to the rationale provided by the Trump administration, the tariffs were intended to be reciprocal, targeting countries with bilateral trade surpluses against the United States. By that logic, Singapore should not have been affected—its tariff should be zero. Under the U.S.-Singapore Free Trade Agreement, Singapore imposes no tariffs on American imports and actually runs a trade deficit with the U.S., meaning it imports more from the U.S. than it exports. The inclusion of Singapore on the tariff list has therefore been widely seen as irrational and punitive, without any clear explanation

Prime Minister Lawrence Wong cautioned that the newly imposed tariffs would have a serious impact on Singapore’s economy, affecting both businesses and citizens. While it remains uncertain whether the country will enter a recession this year, he stressed that economic growth will almost certainly be significantly weakened. He pointed to an impending global slowdown, which is expected to reduce external demand for Singapore’s goods and services. Outward-facing sectors such as manufacturing, wholesale trade, and transport are likely to be hit hardest. These disruptions, he warned, could eventually reach ordinary Singaporeans through rising prices and job losses.

Speaking in Parliament on April 8, Wong, who also serves as Finance Minister, warned that slower growth would translate into fewer job opportunities and more modest wage increases. He further cautioned that if more companies struggle or choose to relocate their operations back to the U.S., Singapore could face a surge in retrenchments and rising unemployment.

The Ministry of Trade and Industry, which had earlier projected GDP growth of 1 to 3 percent for 2025, is now reassessing its forecast and is likely to revise it downward in light of the new economic challenges.

The Indirect Punishment

The U.S. has extended its tariff measures to major manufacturing hubs across Asia—centers on which many Singaporean businesses depend. As these Asian production bases are increasingly targeted, companies in Singapore, which are deeply embedded in global supply chains, will inevitably come under pressure.

East Asia and Southeast Asia are bearing the brunt of these tariff hikes, with China hit hardest. The average U.S. tariff on Chinese goods now exceeds 145 percent. Southeast Asian nations are also grappling with steep tariffs ranging from 10 to 49 percent, with Vietnam facing a 46 percent rate.

Prime Minister Lawrence Wong warned that these measures will hasten the fragmentation of the global economy. Instead of trade and capital flowing based on economic efficiency, they will increasingly be redirected according to political alliances and strategic interests.

PM Wong characterized these so-called “reciprocal” tariffs as a clear rejection of World Trade Organization rules. He further cautioned that the likelihood of a full-scale global trade war is growing.

The deteriorating relationship between the United States and China remains a pressing concern for Singapore. PM Wong stressed that any further escalation between the two powers could destabilize the global economy. He warned that the world is entering a more volatile era—one marked by frequent and unpredictable shocks.

What happens next? 

Prime Minister Lawrence Wong laid out a proactive strategy to navigate ongoing economic uncertainty, announcing the formation of a new task force led by Deputy Prime Minister Gan Kim Yong. This task force will identify economic opportunities amid global turmoil and will comprise not only government agencies but also key organizations representing businesses, employers, and workers. Its mandate includes assessing emerging challenges, supporting affected companies and employees, evaluating the impact of tariffs, and maintaining transparent communication.

Wong also emphasized the importance of strengthening Singapore’s ties with like-minded nations to uphold a rules-based international order. He has already held talks with British Prime Minister Keir Starmer and Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, with further diplomatic outreach planned. Singapore also aims to deepen cooperation with ASEAN partners to expand intra-regional trade and reinforce economic integration.

Experts acknowledge that even if the U.S. eventually withdraws the tariffs and diplomatic ties improve, the indirect effects of the trade war are likely to linger—signaling tough days ahead for Singapore and global trade

As Singapore’s population continues to grow, the twin challenges of land scarcity and housing accessibility remain as pressing as ever. Since independence, the People’s Action Party (PAP) has positioned public housing as a foundational solution, rolling out a series of expansive schemes to meet the nation’s evolving needs. While the system is often praised as one of the most comprehensive and effective in the world, alternative perspectives—particularly those offered by opposition parties—are frequently sidelined in policy debates and long-term planning.

By the early 2020s, public housing in Singapore had become predominantly centered in well-planned new towns—self-contained urban communities where residential blocks are integrated with essential amenities like schools, parks, and shopping areas. Yet, as economic pressures rise and social dynamics shift, housing has once again taken center stage in political discourse.

As the general election approaches, public housing has evolved from a policy issue to a crucial benchmark of governance, providing voters with insight into how each party envisions the future of life in one of the world’s most densely populated nations.

A Core Commitment of the State

The People’s Action Party (PAP) has reaffirmed that housing remains a cornerstone of its governance strategy, emphasizing supply expansion and affordability in response to growing public concern. In March 2025, Parliament was informed that the Housing and Development Board (HDB) is set to exceed its five-year target of building 100,000 new flats—roughly the equivalent of two Ang Mo Kio towns. This milestone follows the January completion of all 92 pandemic-delayed Build-To-Order (BTO) projects, which collectively delivered 75,800 units over the past five years.

A key government priority has been to reduce BTO waiting times to pre-pandemic levels of under four years—a goal achieved in 2024. This was accomplished through the accelerated rollout of shorter-waiting-time flats, with an additional 12,000 such units planned between 2025 and 2027.

To keep public housing accessible to a wide range of income groups, the Government has bolstered financial support. In 2024, the Enhanced Housing Grant was increased to a maximum of $120,000 for families and $60,000 for singles. That same year, a new classification framework was introduced to maintain accessibility in prime areas such as Redhill and Tanjong Rhu. These flats now come with deeper subsidies, longer minimum occupation periods, and resale clawbacks designed to curb speculative gains.

Delivering the 2025 Budget, Prime Minister Lawrence Wong reported that application rates for BTO flats had not only stabilized but dipped below pre-COVID-19 levels. With demand easing, the Government will increase the BTO quota for second-timer families by five percentage points starting in July 2025. From mid-year, singles will also be eligible to apply for two-room flexi flats in all locations and receive priority under the Family Care Scheme when choosing to live with or near their parents.

WP Want reboot housing Policies

The main opposition party, the Workers’ Party (WP), has been pushing for a fundamental rethinking of Singapore’s housing strategy. In 2023, Sengkang GRC MP Louis Chua contended that recent government initiatives—such as boosting housing supply and introducing a new flat classification framework—fell short of addressing the structural issues plaguing the public housing system. He urged the Government to adopt a more forward-looking approach by building homes ahead of projected demand and investing more substantially in rental housing, which he described as an overlooked and underdeveloped segment.

The WP’s call for reform dates back to 2021, when it proposed an expanded public rental scheme to offer Singaporeans a meaningful choice between renting and owning. Chua argued that rental housing should not be confined to the lower-income demographic, but instead serve a broader range of residents. He also challenged the deeply held assumption that homeownership is inherently superior, citing high-income countries such as Switzerland and Germany, where robust rental markets coexist with strong economic and social outcomes.

The party has also consistently championed lowering the eligibility age for singles to apply for Build-To-Order (BTO) flats—from the current threshold of 35 to 28 years old. This proposal was first introduced in the WP’s 2020 General Election manifesto and has since remained a key plank of its housing platform. In a 2022 parliamentary speech, Chua criticized the existing policy for implicitly suggesting that single Singaporeans are less entitled to state-supported housing. He maintained that granting earlier access would not discourage marriage or family formation but would instead reflect evolving social norms and life choices.

PSP need Policy Reset

The Progress Singapore Party (PSP) has also advocated for a reset in public housing policy, introducing two key proposals designed to create a more equitable allocation of HDB flats and broaden housing options for younger Singaporeans.

The first initiative, dubbed the Affordable Home Scheme, would allow buyers to purchase flats at construction cost, plus a location-based premium. Crucially, payment for land costs—along with accumulated interest—would be deferred until the flat is sold on the resale market. In February, Non-Constituency MP Hazel Poa argued that this approach offered a fairer alternative to the current model, under which the Housing and Development Board (HDB) pays market land rates into the national reserves. She contended that the existing system imposes a heavy burden on citizens, who ultimately bear the cost through higher taxes and long-term mortgages that increasingly stretch over three decades.

The second proposal, known as the Millennial Apartments Scheme, envisions a government-managed stock of rental flats in centrally located areas near the Central Business District. These smaller units would be offered to young Singaporeans on short-term leases of two to five years. During the 2024 Budget debate, PSP chief Leong Mun Wai explained that the scheme would offer temporary housing for those awaiting their BTO flats, while also relieving pressure on young couples to rush into the home-buying process. It would, he added, fill a critical gap in the housing market by providing much-needed flexibility for singles and young families navigating a competitive and constrained landscape.

The PAP is rejecting opposition proposals.

In response to these proposals, Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong told Parliament in 2023 that Build-To-Order (BTO) flats remain largely affordable, with most homeowners using Central Provident Fund (CPF) contributions to cover their mortgages, often without any out-of-pocket expenses. While he acknowledged the Workers’ Party’s call for lower flat prices might seem appealing, he warned that it would lead to significant trade-offs, such as a surge in demand and increased competition. He also raised concerns about potential windfall gains, especially for higher-income buyers who could profit from reselling subsidized flats.

In response to the Progress Singapore Party’s (PSP) Affordable Home Scheme, Minister Indranee Rajah cautioned that it could undermine Singapore’s national reserves, benefiting only a small group of buyers. Under current policy, land is sold at fair market value, and the proceeds are directed into national reserves, managed by sovereign wealth funds. The returns from these investments support the national Budget, with half allocated to current spending and the rest saved for future generations.

The PAP seems intent on rejecting opposition proposals, focusing on policies it believes are in Singapore’s best interest. While the opposition’s suggestions may lack traction, the upcoming election could see shifts in voter sentiment, particularly regarding housing policies. With this in mind, further announcements are expected in the near future as the PAP doesn’t want to lose votes. 

Red Dot United (RDU), one of Singapore’s youngest political parties, was formed just before the last general election as a breakaway from the Progress Singapore Party (PSP). Since then, the party has struggled to carve out a clear identity in Singapore’s crowded centre-left opposition landscape. While it brands itself as a fresh and alternative voice, some critics argue that RDU has only further fragmented the opposition.

In its first electoral outing, the party did not secure any seats but garnered over 30,000 votes—a modest showing, yet one that signaled potential. Now, as the 2025 general election approaches, RDU is setting its sights higher. It no longer wants to simply be part of the conversation; it wants a seat in Parliament.

With that goal in mind, the party is focusing its campaign on issues that resonate with everyday Singaporeans, particularly the rising cost of living. At a press conference on April 3, party secretary-general Ravi Philemon announced that RDU will centre its campaign on such bread-and-butter concerns, while also advocating for fairer parliamentary representation.

Six Constituencies

After the release of new electoral boundaries for the 2025 General Election, Red Dot United (RDU) announced its plan to contest six constituencies. This decision follows discussions with other opposition groups and efforts to streamline campaign costs. One of the key battlegrounds is Jurong East–Bukit Batok GRC, a five-member constituency in the western region. On 15 March 2025, RDU held a porridge distribution event there, during which it introduced Pang Heng Chuan as a potential candidate.

The party also confirmed its intention to contest Nee Soon GRC, another five-member constituency in the north. While secretary-general Ravi Philemon did not confirm whether he would lead the team, he highlighted his strong familiarity with the area. He also introduced Dr Syed Alwi Ahmad, a 57-year-old private school teacher who serves as RDU’s head of policy and Malay bureau, as part of the Nee Soon slate.

In addition, RDU will field candidates in Tanjong Pagar GRC, a five-member constituency that spans central and western Singapore. The party also plans to contest three single-member constituencies: Jurong Central in the west, Jalan Kayu in the north-east, and Radin Mas in the central region.

For the Common People

This election, Red Dot United (RDU) is putting forward a platform focused on practical solutions to ease the financial pressures faced by everyday Singaporeans. During a walkabout at Yishun Park Hawker Centre, RDU secretary-general Ravi Philemon told reporters that the party would concentrate on issues that have a direct impact on people’s daily lives.

He pointed out that many families are struggling to cope with the rising cost of food and increasing tuition fees. Addressing these concerns, he said, would be at the heart of RDU’s campaign. As part of its proposals, RDU is calling for the Goods and Services Tax (GST) to be reduced back to 7 percent—arguing that this would provide immediate financial relief to households. The party is also pushing for the removal of Singapore’s carbon tax, which it believes is adding to the cost burden for ordinary citizens.

Can RDU make it?

While Red Dot United (RDU) is focusing on issues that directly affect the daily lives of Singaporeans, the party recognizes that this alone may not be enough to secure a seat in Parliament. Most of the constituencies it plans to contest are currently held by the People’s Action Party (PAP), which continues to enjoy significant institutional and political advantages. In response, RDU secretary-general Ravi Philemon is not only campaigning on policy issues but also questioning the commitment and ethics of his opponents.

Philemon expressed concern over whether current Members of Parliament in Nee Soon are effectively addressing the needs of their constituents. He cited public feedback on Mr Derrick Goh’s recent promotion to Group Chief Operating Officer at DBS Bank and questioned whether such a demanding corporate role might affect Goh’s availability and effectiveness as MP for Nee Soon Link and chairman of the Nee Soon Town Council.

Philemon also voiced concerns about Minister of State Muhammad Faishal Ibrahim and former Nominated Member of Parliament (NMP) Syed Harun Alhabsyi. He pointed to growing speculation that Prof Faishal could be redeployed to the newly created Marine Parade–Braddell Heights GRC, following his appearance at a walkabout in Eunos on March 30. Meanwhile, Dr Syed Harun’s presence at a community event in Nee Soon on March 27—alongside several new PAP figures—has fueled rumors that he may be fielded in the constituency.

Philemon questioned the reasoning behind moving Prof Faishal—currently the MP for Nee Soon Central—while introducing a former NMP like Dr Syed Harun into the same area. He raised ethical concerns, pointing out that NMPs are appointed precisely for their non-partisan stance. If Dr Syed Harun plans to run under the PAP banner, Philemon argued, there should be clarity on when he made the shift from a neutral position to one aligned with the ruling party.

Dr Syed Harun and fellow NMP Raj Joshua Thomas both resigned from their posts on February 14, nearly a year before their terms were set to end. At a briefing on March 31, Law and Home Affairs Minister K. Shanmugam confirmed that the Constitution allows NMPs to step down in order to join political parties and contest elections.

While Philemon acknowledged that such moves are legally and constitutionally allowed, he emphasized that legality does not always align with ethical standards. 

It seems that Philemon and RDU have found the right campaign formula. The party is launching its bid with a focus on the rising cost of living and a call for fairer representation in Parliament—while also holding incumbents accountable. RDU believes this strategy could pave its way into Parliament

Singapore’s ruling People’s Action Party is approaching its most pivotal general election in years. For the first time since independence, it enters the race without a member of the Lee family at the helm. Leading the charge is Prime Minister Lawrence Wong, who faces a critical test—not merely to secure victory, which remains likely given Singapore’s political structure, but to achieve a strong mandate that validates his authority and reinforces his leadership within the party.

Yet public discontent is quietly mounting. Economic pressures and concerns over the rising cost of living have fueled a sense of anti-incumbency. Even a modest dip in support will be closely examined. To rejuvenate the party’s image, Wong has introduced a renewed slate of candidates, including more women and younger professionals. It may be the PAP’s youngest team since 2011—part of a calculated strategy to signal change and reconnect with a more diverse and demanding electorate.

A roster of newcomers

The People’s Action Party has traditionally refreshed about a quarter to a third of its slate with each election—a rhythm of renewal that continues under the leadership of Secretary-General and Prime Minister Lawrence Wong. In his first address as party leader in November 2024, Wong highlighted leadership renewal as a key priority, setting the tone for the party’s upcoming slate.

With Singapore’s next Parliament expected to comprise 97 elected members, the PAP is likely to introduce between 24 and 32 new candidates. The expected lineup includes senior civil servants, long-serving grassroots activists, and a growing number of C-suite executives. Political analysts note that the public sector remains a crucial recruitment ground for the PAP. At the same time, party leaders have increasingly signaled a desire to draw more talent from the private sector. Around half of the new candidates are anticipated to come from corporate backgrounds—a proportion that has remained relatively steady over the years, ranging from 40 to 50 percent, with a notable spike to 62 percent in 2015.

Several fresh faces have already been spotted on the ground alongside PAP MPs. These include Hazlina Abdul Halim, former CEO of Make-A-Wish Singapore; lawyer Gho Sze Kee; and business development director Diana Pang. Two senior civil servants—Jasmin Lau, Deputy Secretary for Policy at the Ministry of Health, and Goh Hanyan, Director of Smart Nation and AI Policy—are also expected to step down in early April, potentially joining the party’s ticket. The 2025 candidate lineup is also expected to skew younger, with an average age of around 40.

More Women in the Race

Prime Minister Lawrence Wong has signaled his intention to field more women candidates in the upcoming general election. The party is expected to nominate a higher proportion of female candidates than in previous years, continuing a steady upward trend. Around 40 percent of the potential new candidates are women—an increase that could result in approximately 12 new female contenders in 2025. This figure is up from 37 percent in the 2020 general election and less than 25 percent in 2015. Wong identified this as a priority in August 2024, expressing his commitment to enhancing female representation in Parliament. He also stressed the importance of diversity, noting that a diverse team is highly valuable.

This push for greater female participation follows years of government efforts to engage women more directly. In 2021, the government declared it the Year of Celebrating Singapore Women and launched nationwide conversations on women’s issues. These initiatives, beyond acknowledging women’s voices, also served as a strategic move to build political capital among female voters.

With the current Cabinet consisting of only three women out of nineteen members, the introduction of more female candidates—particularly those with leadership potential—would send a strong and welcome signal of change.

Offering a Changed PAP

As this election marks a pivotal moment for Lawrence Wong, candidate selection is emerging as a cornerstone of his campaign strategy. He must prove his political acumen and leadership to the People’s Action Party—an institution so deeply woven into Singapore’s political fabric that it is often seen as synonymous with the state itself. In this context, the party’s slate of candidates is drawing unprecedented scrutiny.

After holding power since 1965, the PAP understands the need to offer something new to a changing electorate. It has acknowledged the importance of injecting greater diversity into its lineup of first-time candidates and is actively working to shed its long-standing image as a party that primarily recruits from the public sector and military. For the 2025 election, just over a third of the anticipated new candidates hail from the public sector, with most coming from the civil service and a smaller group from military backgrounds—marking a clear departure from past trends.

With early signs pointing toward an imminent election, the PAP is expected to soon enter its next phase: the formal introduction of its candidate slate to the public.

Singapore’s elections are highly predictable, with the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP) consistently securing another five-year term with a supermajority, making the process feel routine. Campaigning tends to be subdued, and political upsets are rare. However, some figures, like Leong Mun Wai, add a degree of interest.

Known for his direct and outspoken style, Leong has returned as secretary-general of the Progress Singapore Party (PSP), positioning himself as a key opposition voice. His unyielding stance—both praised and criticized—has shaped his political identity. While his bluntness has earned him respect, even begrudgingly, it remains to be seen whether this approach will boost or hinder the party’s electoral prospects. A vocal critic of immigration policies and foreign labor, he has built his reputation as a staunch advocate for local workers.

Under his leadership, PSP is expected to take a more confrontational stance, signaling a departure from the approach of his predecessor, Hazel Poa. His leadership is also likely to energize voters seeking stronger opposition representation in Parliament.

A Comeback

Leong Mun Wai resumed his role as party leader on March 26, a little over a year after resigning in February 2024 following a correction directive under Singapore’s fake news laws for one of his social media posts. The Progress Singapore Party’s (PSP) new central executive committee reinstated him after electing its top leadership body on March 20, with six of the 12 members newly appointed.

Now, Leong will lead PSP into the upcoming general election, widely expected by mid-year. Speaking to the media on March 26, he emphasized that the party’s direction would remain largely unchanged, as he and Hazel Poa have always worked closely together. Comparing the leadership transition to a relay team passing the baton, he suggested that Poa had effectively been standing in for him as secretary-general over the past year and that they should be seen as alternates to each other.

The Right Leader at the Right Time

With the party focused on election readiness, some cadres pushed for Leong Mun Wai’s return, believing his leadership would energize their efforts. Members noted that the party feels reinvigorated, with volunteers experiencing the pressure—but in a positive way.

Known for his vocal stance on national issues, Leong is expected to make immigration a key focus of PSP’s campaign, an issue that helped the party gain traction in its first parliamentary term. PSP’s election strategy is likely to mirror the approach he and fellow NCMP Hazel Poa have taken in Parliament—challenging the PAP with sharp rhetoric, persistent questioning, strategic ambiguity, and an appeal to the underdog narrative.

Leong’s return as PSP chief signals that his standing within the party remains strong despite the circumstances of his resignation. His re-election reflects renewed confidence in his “Folksy and Combative” approach to engaging the PAP. His decision to step down following the Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act (POFMA) order was a strategic move to position the party for the upcoming election.

PSP in GE2025

While PSP is challenging the PAP, its main objective is to expand its parliamentary presence and solidify its foundation as a relatively new party. Resource allocation is also a key factor. Unlike in the 2020 General Election, when PSP fielded 24 candidates across nine constituencies, the party may scale back this time to avoid overextending itself. In 2020, it contested West Coast, Chua Chu Kang, Tanjong Pagar, and Nee Soon GRCs, as well as Pioneer, Hong Kah North, Kebun Baru, Marymount, and Yio Chu Kang SMCs.

This time, PSP may forgo Nee Soon GRC and Jurong Central SMC, where Red Dot United has already staked its claim. Additionally, it might opt out of Kebun Baru, Marymount, and Yio Chu Kang SMCs, given their central Singapore locations.

Based on recent activity, PSP appears set to contest Chua Chu Kang GRC again and is likely to run in the newly formed West Coast–Jurong West GRC. However, a return to Nee Soon GRC seems unlikely. It remains uncertain which single-member constituencies the party will target or whether it will field a team in Tanjong Pagar GRC. PSP has stated that it is still evaluating the revised electoral map.

The latest revision of Singapore’s constituency map, shaped by opaque criteria, has once again cast a spotlight on the country’s electoral system. Critics argue that, like past adjustments, these changes are calibrated to safeguard the ruling People’s Action Party’s dominance. They also warn that the redraw will further erode the already tenuous presence of the opposition in Parliament. Yet, opposition leaders have offered only tempered responses, stating that they are reviewing the revisions and adjusting their strategies. Their restraint has revived an enduring question: does Singapore’s opposition genuinely seek to challenge the PAP, or does it merely function within the narrow confines of a system designed to keep power firmly in place?

For many, the sequence of events felt familiar—another election, another map redraw, another quiet acquiescence. But in a rare departure from this script, Workers’ Party chief and opposition leader Pritam Singh has openly questioned the fairness of the new constituency map. His remarks, the first since the Electoral Boundaries Review Committee released its report on March 11, mark an uncommon break from the opposition’s usual caution. In a political landscape where dissent is carefully measured, Singh’s statement—though restrained—signals a moment worth watching.

What Did Pritam Singh Say?

The opposition leader, who has been charged with allegedly providing false testimony to the Committee of Privileges, criticized the latest electoral changes in a Facebook post on March 25. Describing them as among the most drastic boundary revisions in Singapore’s recent history, he rejected the official explanation that population growth had driven the changes. He noted that many political observers viewed this rationale with skepticism and highlighted growing concerns among young Singaporeans about the fairness of the redistricting process under the People’s Action Party (PAP) government. Stressing the significance of electoral boundaries, he argued that the justifications for altering them must be subject to greater scrutiny.

Arbitrary boundary determination

The Electoral Boundaries Review Committee (EBRC), working under guidelines set by the prime minister, is responsible for redrawing electoral boundaries ahead of general elections. This year, it proposed changes in 22 of Singapore’s 31 constituencies. While the committee has historically remained tight-lipped about its rationale, it cited population shifts as the driving factor behind this round of revisions, which also had ripple effects on neighboring constituencies. Notably, voter numbers have increased by 13,000 to 23,000 in Pasir Ris-Punggol, Sembawang, and Tampines GRCs, as well as in the single-member constituencies of Hong Kah North and Potong Pasir since the 2020 elections.

Pritam Singh, the opposition leader, underscored the precarious position of opposition-held constituencies, emphasizing that no seat is truly secure and that the prospect of an opposition wipeout remains an ever-present reality. He noted that election results for individual wards and precincts, even within Group Representation Constituencies (GRCs), are closely scrutinized. Stressing the broader implications of electoral boundary changes, he argued that the EBRC’s decisions matter deeply to Singaporeans, who seek not just representation but a political system that fosters trust through a fair and functional social compact.

Singh called on the People’s Action Party (PAP) to release voting data from individual precincts, including those in Marine Parade GRC that were shifted to East Coast GRC, allowing the public to independently assess the changes. He also referenced the Forward Singapore report, a vision introduced by the PAP’s fourth-generation leadership that frames fairness as a national value. However, he cautioned that such ideals ring hollow when concerns about fairness emerge at the very foundation of the electoral process. Singh warned that opaque institutions like the EBRC risk deepening societal divisions—an irony, given that national unity is more crucial than ever in the face of geopolitical shifts, economic uncertainty, and demographic transitions.

Appeal for a Balanced Political System

With speculation mounting about an early election, even the Workers’ Party, Singapore’s main opposition, does not see itself as a formidable challenger to the ruling People’s Action Party. Meanwhile, calls for fair elections and a more equitable democratic system are gaining momentum across the country.

Pritam Singh has now stepped into the debate, highlighting the need for a more balanced political landscape. He argued that the latest EBRC report underscores how much further Singapore must go in building a democracy founded on justice and equality. While he has largely remained measured in the past, Singh now asserts that each generation has a responsibility to shape this vision and strengthen national unity.

While Singapore’s opposition has struggled with electoral setbacks and weak leadership, the Progress Singapore Party (PSP) offers a more hopeful scenario. One of only three opposition parties with representatives in Parliament following the 2020 general election, PSP has steadily gained traction in national politics—an impressive feat for a party founded just a year before that election.

A progressive, social-liberal party, PSP emerged as a breakaway from the long-dominant People’s Action Party (PAP), which has governed Singapore since its independence. Led by figures with experience in the PAP, the party has positioned itself as a credible alternative. With the 2025 general election approaching, PSP is preparing for the contest. On March 20, it elected six new members to its highest decision-making body, signaling a significant leadership refresh as it positions itself for the political battle ahead.

CEC Election

The Progress Singapore Party (PSP) held an election for its new leadership, with 24 candidates vying for 12 seats on the Central Executive Committee (CEC). The contest was tightly fought, and several key figures retained their positions. Non-Constituency MPs Leong Mun Wai and Hazel Poa were re-elected, along with party chairman Tan Cheng Bock, Mr. A’bas Kasmani, Ms. Wendy Low, and Mr. Phang Yew Huat.

Six new members were elected to the CEC: Mr. Samuel Lim, Mr. Anthony Neo, Mr. S. Nallakaruppan, Mr. Soh Zheng Long, Mr. Jonathan Tee, and Mr. Joseph Wong. Meanwhile, eight members from the previous CEC did not secure re-election, including several who had contested the last general election. Among them were Dr. Ang Yong Guan, Mr. Harish Pillay, Mr. Jeffrey Khoo, Mr. Nadarajah Loganathan, and Mr. Lim Cher Hong. With the exception of Dr. Ang, all had sought another term.

The new CEC was chosen by 90 party cadres from PSP’s inner circle. Two additional members will be co-opted later, expanding the committee to 14. Once formed, the CEC will determine key leadership roles, including the position of secretary-general. The newly elected leadership team will serve until March 2027.

Leong Takes the Reins?

After the CEC election, Mr. Leong told reporters that PSP would announce leadership appointments, including its new secretary-general, at a later date. Observers believe the only serious contenders for the position are NCMPs Ms. Poa and Mr. Leong. Ms. Poa, who previously served as vice-chairman, held the role until this election. If Mr. Leong regains the position, it would mark PSP’s fifth leadership change since its founding in 2019.

He stepped down as secretary-general in February 2024 after receiving a correction direction under Singapore’s fake news law for a social media post. Some within the party expect him to challenge Ms. Poa for the role.

Currently not holding a position on the CEC, Mr. Leong first became secretary-general in April 2023 after Mr. Francis Yuen vacated the role following a two-year tenure. PSP’s founder and current chairman, Dr. Tan Cheng Bock, was the party’s first secretary-general.

Dr. Tan, Mr. Leong, and Ms. Poa contested the 2020 General Election as part of PSP’s West Coast GRC slate, narrowly losing to a PAP team led by former transport minister S. Iswaran. Their strong performance secured NCMP seats for Mr. Leong and Ms. Poa, making it the closest opposition result that year.

PSP in Upcoming Election

The PSP is expected to contest several constituencies in the upcoming general election, including the newly redrawn West Coast-Jurong West GRC and the neighboring Chua Chu Kang GRC. However, its candidate slates have not been confirmed, and its strategy remains unclear as the party continues to study the new electoral boundaries.

While no party is likely to challenge the PAP’s dominance, PSP can compete strongly with the Workers’ Party (WP) for the position of the main opposition party. In the last Parliament, WP held eight more seats than PSP, but the difference in their vote share was only 1.04%. A competitive election, combined with WP leader Pritam Singh’s conviction and changes to electoral boundaries, could position PSP as Singapore’s leading opposition party and a significant political force.