Tag: Singapore

  • With New Electoral Boundaries, Opposition Parties Weigh Their Next Move

    With New Electoral Boundaries, Opposition Parties Weigh Their Next Move

    Singapore’s opposition has long struggled against a political system that has kept the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP) firmly in power for more than six decades. Often fragmented and disorganized, opposition parties have at times inadvertently reinforced this dominance by failing to unite or present a compelling alternative.

    In recent years, however, the opposition has adopted a more strategic approach—not necessarily posing a serious challenge to the PAP, but securing parliamentary representation and focusing on tactics to maintain their foothold. By doing so, they have gradually increased their number of seats. Now, with major changes to electoral boundaries, opposition parties that see themselves as disadvantaged are refusing to lose hope. Several are reassessing their strategies to navigate the new electoral map. Positioning themselves as underdogs, they are rallying support ahead of an election expected by mid-year.

    WP Steps Up

    Workers’ Party (WP), Singapore’s main opposition party, member Harpreet Singh Nehal, who has been actively engaging residents in Marine Parade GRC and is expected to contest the upcoming elections, remains unfazed by the redrawing of MacPherson SMC into the newly formed Marine Parade-Braddell Heights GRC. Rather than discouraging the party, he stated that the change has only strengthened its resolve.

    In the 2020 General Election, PAP MP Tin Pei Ling secured MacPherson with 71.74 percent of the vote. Despite this, Singh, a senior counsel, emphasized that WP has never backed down from a challenge. He reaffirmed the party’s commitment to engaging Singaporeans, strengthening its grassroots presence, and advocating for a more balanced political landscape—regardless of how electoral boundaries shift.

    For now, WP has kept its electoral strategy under wraps. After the Electoral Boundaries Review Committee (EBRC) released its report on March 11, the party recognized the significant changes in areas where it has been active in recent years. It assured supporters that it will soon announce further details on its targeted constituencies and potential candidates.

    PSP to Oppose

    The Progress Singapore Party (PSP), which narrowly lost West Coast GRC in 2020 with 48.32 percent of the vote, acknowledged on March 12 that major electoral boundary shifts in western Singapore have made its path to Parliament more challenging. The party intends to review the Electoral Boundaries Review Committee (EBRC) report before finalizing its decision on where to contest.

    In response, PSP has launched a fundraising and volunteer campaign, emphasizing that contributions will help finance fliers, posters, and other campaign materials to ensure a more level playing field. PSP secretary-general Hazel Poa described the upcoming general election as an uphill battle, citing the difficulties posed by the new electoral landscape.

    Poa highlighted that more than 40,000 new voters from over 100 HDB blocks have been added to the newly formed West Coast-Jurong West GRC. To strengthen its outreach, the party plans to intensify ground efforts in the coming weeks, engaging these residents directly. The new GRC will incorporate Taman Jurong ward and parts of Jurong Spring from the existing Jurong GRC.

    SDP to Reassess 

    Chee Soon Juan, the veteran leader of Singapore’s liberal opposition and chief of the Singapore Democratic Party (SDP), announced on March 12 that he is revising his electoral strategy in response to recent boundary changes. He pledged to outline his next steps soon. The redistricting absorbed his Bukit Batok SMC constituency into the newly formed Jurong East-Bukit Batok GRC, forcing him to navigate a sharply altered political landscape after securing 45.2 percent of the vote there in the 2020 General Election.

    In a pre-recorded video on social media, Dr. Chee urged supporters to volunteer or buy seats for a series of fundraising dinners set for early April. The SDP said it is consulting its central executive committee and working groups to map out its next steps. Meanwhile, the party will continue its groundwork wherever needed.

    RDU Steps In

    Red Dot United (RDU) announced that its election committee convened for internal discussions immediately after the release of the EBRC report on March 11. While the party has expressed interest in contesting six constituencies where it has established a presence, it emphasized that its plans remain preliminary.

    An RDU spokesperson said the party needs more time to assess the boundary changes. He acknowledged that the dissolution of Jurong GRC, which RDU contested in 2020, has put the party at a disadvantage. However, he expressed confidence in RDU’s ability to adapt, noting that nearly 70 percent of Jurong GRC’s voters are now part of the newly formed Jurong East-Bukit Batok GRC and Jurong Central SMC.

    Can the Opposition Unite?

    In most democracies, opposition parties seek to challenge the ruling administration. In Singapore, however, that challenge has remained elusive. Without a united front, dislodging the entrenched People’s Action Party (PAP) is widely seen as nearly impossible. Yet, opposition parties have made no concrete moves toward unity, focusing instead on avoiding multi-cornered contests that have historically favored the PAP.

    In the northeast, the Workers’ Party (WP) has long shown interest in Punggol, having contested Punggol West in 2020. With the single-seat constituency now absorbed into the newly formed four-member Punggol GRC, WP’s potential candidacy could lead to a multi-way contest against the Singapore Democratic Alliance (SDA), which has fielded candidates in Pasir Ris-Punggol GRC since 2006. SDA chairman Desmond Lim confirmed plans to discuss the matter with WP but said his party would first focus on understanding residents’ concerns.

    Red Dot United (RDU) has stated its intent to avoid such three-way battles, saying it will engage other opposition parties “when the time is right.” The party remains confident that longstanding relationships between opposition leaders will help facilitate agreements.

    Goh Meng Seng, secretary-general of the People’s Power Party (PPP), plans to engage other parties but believes that larger players like the Progress Singapore Party (PSP) and the Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) should lead discussions. While his party has expressed interest in contesting five wards, Goh remains open to a three-cornered fight if no resolution is reached.

    Whether these discussions lead to meaningful cooperation or devolve into political maneuvering remains to be seen. If opposition parties fail to coordinate, the PAP is poised to secure another supermajority in Parliament, further cementing Singapore’s status as a one-party-dominant state.

  • Singapore’s Electoral Boundaries Redrawn, and the Debate Follows

    Singapore’s Electoral Boundaries Redrawn, and the Debate Follows

    Singapore may move its general election forward from November to as early as May, prompting officials to finalize new constituency boundaries in early March. This election is expected to be one of the most significant in recent decades, as Prime Minister Lawrence Wong—Singapore’s first leader from outside the Lee family—seeks his own mandate. With the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP) holding a supermajority since independence, the upcoming polls will serve as a key test of Wong’s leadership.

    The redistricting has reshaped several key battlegrounds from the 2020 election ahead of the 2025 General Election (GE). While officials attribute these adjustments to demographic shifts, the changes have sparked debate over their political impact. Several battlegrounds from GE2020—where the Workers’ Party (WP), Progress Singapore Party (PSP), and Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) mounted strong challenges—have been significantly redrawn. 

    The Politics of Demarcation

    Significant population shifts in certain regions have undoubtedly influenced recent boundary changes, but for some voters, the redistricting still appears politically motivated. For the first time in decades, the committee has attempted to justify its decisions—an effort observers view as a step toward greater transparency. However, skepticism remains.

    Several constituencies previously contested by opposition parties like the PSP and SDP have either been eliminated or absorbed into other wards, forcing these parties to rethink their strategies. Despite having spent years building voter support, they now face the challenge of adapting to a reshaped political landscape. An early election could further diminish their remaining opportunities.

    While officials attribute these adjustments to rapid population growth in adjacent constituencies, critics argue that the changes disproportionately disadvantage opposition parties. Nevertheless, the WP, PSP, and SDP have all signaled their intent to contest these areas again in the upcoming election.

    In Singapore’s tightly controlled political environment, opposition parties have historically been cautious in challenging the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP), often operating within the constraints of a system that overwhelmingly favors the incumbent.

    New Wards, New Fights

    There are only a few wards in Singapore where opposition parties can realistically hope to secure parliamentary representation, and this remains the case even after the latest redrawing of electoral boundaries. One of the most closely watched new wards, Jalan Kayu SMC, has already attracted interest from the People’s Alliance for Reform, the People’s Power Party, and Red Dot United.

    Singapore’s western region has undergone significant boundary changes, many of which are seen as weakening opposition prospects. These include the creation of a new West Coast-Jurong West GRC, which absorbs parts of the existing Jurong GRC while transferring Dover and Telok Blangah to Tanjong Pagar GRC. Additionally, Jurong GRC has been reconfigured into the newly established Jurong East-Bukit Batok GRC, Jurong Central SMC, and portions merged into Holland-Bukit Timah GRC.

    One of the most consequential changes for the opposition is the formation of Jurong East-Bukit Batok GRC, which absorbs Bukit Batok SMC. This shift could be a setback for SDP chief Chee Soon Juan, who secured 45.2 percent of the vote in Bukit Batok in 2020 and had announced his intention to contest the ward again.

    While the west has seen major changes, boundary adjustments in the east could also reshape electoral dynamics. The creation of Punggol GRC from the existing Pasir Ris-Punggol GRC poses little challenge for the ruling party.

    An Earlier Election?

    The release of the EBRC report on March 11 has intensified speculation about a possible May election, with many observers noting that the timeline aligns with past electoral patterns. Since 2006, general elections—except for GE2020—have typically been held about two months after the EBRC report’s release, making May a plausible timeframe.

    The redistricting has further complicated the opposition’s position, and the administration may be disinclined to give them additional time to adapt their strategies.

    As Singapore’s longest-serving Parliament, the 14th Parliament could hold its final sitting in the first week of April before dissolution. This would leave roughly eight weeks between the EBRC report’s release and a potential Polling Day in early May.

  • GRCs in 2025: A Surge in Multi-Way Battles?

    GRCs in 2025: A Surge in Multi-Way Battles?

    Singapore’s next general election is set to witness an unprecedented wave of multi-cornered contests, with at least six Group Representation Constituencies (GRCs) drawing interest from multiple opposition parties. Ten opposition parties have already declared their intention to run, including three under the People’s Alliance for Reform (PAR), highlighting the deepening fragmentation within the opposition.

    As these factions compete for influence, they show little strategic awareness, overlooking the voting patterns of a city-state with fewer than six million people. Their inability—or reluctance—to unify leaves them ill-equipped to challenge the People’s Action Party (PAP), which has governed Singapore since independence. For many voters, the hope of a viable opposition capable of shifting the status quo grows ever more elusive.

    Crowded GRCs

    Singapore’s political landscape is overcrowded, with too many parties competing for limited electoral space. Now, opposition parties are setting the stage for multi-cornered contests in five GRCs—Ang Mo Kio, Nee Soon, Pasir Ris-Punggol, Sembawang, and Tanjong Pagar—where they will challenge the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP) in three-way fights. Tampines could see an even more fractured race, with four parties vying for dominance.

    Analysts suggest that some parties may be staking early claims as a tactical move, using constituencies as bargaining chips in negotiations. Once electoral boundaries are finalized, they often engage in horse-trading, striking deals to consolidate their positions.

    Everyone wants a piece

    The prospect of multi-way contests gained urgency over the weekend after People’s Power Party (PPP) chief Goh Meng Seng announced his party’s withdrawal from the People’s Alliance for Reform (PAR) and declared its intention to contest Tampines, Nee Soon, and Ang Mo Kio GRCs, along with the single-seat Yio Chu Kang. If electoral boundaries remain unchanged, PPP—founded in 2015—plans to field 16 candidates in the upcoming election.

    PAR is now an alliance of People’s Voice (PV), the Reform Party (RP), and the Democratic Progressive Party. It appears to have exited Pasir Ris-Punggol and Ang Mo Kio GRCs. Instead, it has moved into new battlegrounds, staking claims in Tanjong Pagar GRC—where RDU is also active—as well as Marymount, Kebun Baru, and Potong Pasir SMCs, all of which have drawn interest from other opposition parties. On February 23, PAR leader and PV chief Lim Tean announced that his party would field a strong candidate in Potong Pasir, where the SPP continues to contest. He was also seen in Jalan Besar GRC, Mountbatten SMC—where PV previously ran—and Radin Mas SMC, where RP fielded a candidate in 2020.

    Meanwhile, the Singapore Democratic Alliance (SDA) remains firm in its plan to contest Pasir Ris-Punggol GRC and appears unfazed by the likelihood of a multi-cornered fight.

    Red Dot United (RDU), which contested only Jurong GRC in the last election, has since expanded its presence to Nee Soon GRC, Tanjong Pagar GRC, Radin Mas SMC, and Yuhua SMC. Party leader Ravi Philemon stated that RDU intends to field at least 12 candidates—more than double the five it fielded in 2020—and contest at least four constituencies. He noted that the specific constituencies would depend on the EBRC report but said the party is currently most active in Jurong, Yishun, and Redhill. Philemon refrained from commenting on multi-way fights, calling such discussions premature. He stressed that RDU does not want to fuel speculation before the EBRC report is released but noted that RDU, along with the National Solidarity Party (NSP), the Singapore United Party (SUP), and the Singapore People’s Party (SPP), had agreed to avoid overlapping contests.

    The Progress Singapore Party (PSP) announced on February 26 that it would disclose its electoral plans only after an election date is set. On February 23, party chairman Tan Cheng Bock urged opposition parties to carefully consider avoiding multi-way contests. PSP appears to be the only opposition party reducing its presence, potentially cutting its slate from 24 to 12 seats based on the constituencies it is currently active in compared to 2020.

    Meanwhile, under existing electoral boundaries, five opposition parties—including WP and the Singapore Democratic Party (SDP)—are expected to expand their reach, while three are likely to maintain their level of participation. A new entrant, the Singapore United Party (SUP), has announced plans to contest seven seats across Ang Mo Kio GRC, Yio Chu Kang SMC, and Kebun Baru SMC. Led by former RP members Andy Zhu and Darren Soh, SUP adds yet another competitor to an already crowded field.

    Making it easy for the PAP

    A party that has governed for 60 years is more than just a political organization—it is an institution. The People’s Action Party (PAP) has cemented its place in Singapore’s political system, wielding significant influence and maintaining a well-oiled governance structure. While it benefits from structural advantages, its continued dominance is also a product of strategic effort and discipline.

    The 2025 general election will be a defining moment, serving as the first major test for Prime Minister Lawrence Wong, who leads the PAP beyond the Lee family’s long-standing political legacy. The contest is shaping up as PAP versus a divided opposition, but fragmentation remains the opposition’s biggest weakness. While many recognize that a united front could mount a stronger challenge, multi-way contests seem inevitable. With more parties entering the race to expand their reach, the result is a further splintering of votes—ultimately reinforcing PAP’s hold on power.

  • People’s Power Party Breaks Away—Does It Even Matter?

    People’s Power Party Breaks Away—Does It Even Matter?

    Singapore’s opposition has long struggled to make headway. Despite the country’s multiparty system, elections reliably return the People’s Action Party (PAP) to power, while opposition groups secure only a handful of the 93 elected seats. The PAP has benefited from this persistent weakness. Years of infighting have prevented rival parties from mounting a serious electoral challenge, turning each election into a routine endorsement of the status quo. With the next general election expected in November 2025—though an earlier date remains possible—a major shift appears unlikely. Now, another episode of opposition discord is unfolding. The People’s Power Party (PPP) has withdrawn from its four-party alliance with the People’s Voice (PV), the Reform Party (RP), and the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), leaving yet another fractured coalition to limp toward the polls. If history is any indication, the outcome is already determined.

    The Four-Party Alliance

    Last year, four opposition parties—People’s Voice (PV), the Reform Party (RP), the People’s Power Party (PPP), and the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)—formed the People’s Alliance in an effort to coordinate ahead of the next general election, which must be held by November 2025. Yet, none of these parties secured a single seat in the last election. Meanwhile, the only opposition groups with parliamentary representation—the Workers’ Party (WP) and the Progress Singapore Party (PSP)—kept their distance, leaving the alliance without a broader coalition. Still, in a political landscape where opposition parties have limited influence, forming alliances was a strategic move to consolidate support, strengthen their presence in key constituencies, and gradually chip away at the PAP’s dominance.

    PPP Leave the Alliance

    On February 22, the People’s Power Party (PPP) announced its withdrawal from the People’s Alliance for Reform (PAR) in a Facebook post by its secretary-general, Goh Meng Seng. Goh, who also served as PAR’s organizing secretary, described the decision as the result of an impasse with the alliance’s other parties. Citing irreconcilable strategic differences over the 2025 general election, he stated that both PPP and the alliance had agreed that withdrawal was the best course of action. He emphasized that this move would enable PAR to function more effectively in the upcoming election without disruptions caused by fundamental disagreements between PPP and its former allies.

    PPP’s departure from the alliance does not signal its withdrawal from the election. The party plans to release its manifesto in March, outlining its positions on vaccination policies and family values. Goh stated that the manifesto would take a pro-family stance and oppose the LGBT agenda, a position gaining traction globally, particularly with Donald Trump’s return to office.

    PPP has set its sights on Tampines, Nee Soon, and Ang Mo Kio GRCs, as well as Yio Chu Kang SMC, for the upcoming election. In 2020, Goh was the party’s sole candidate, contesting MacPherson, where he secured 28.26% of the vote against incumbent Tin Pei Ling of the ruling People’s Action Party.

    The party, however, is not solely reliant on Goh. One of its key figures, Peter Soh—a PPP member and the alliance’s vice-chairman—will step down from his position following the party’s exit from PAR. Other prominent members of the alliance’s central executive committee include Yasmine Valentina, head of the Reform Party’s women’s wing, who serves as assistant secretary-general.

    The Alliance’s Reaction

    PV secretary-general Lim Tean, who also serves as the alliance’s secretary-general, attributed PPP’s withdrawal to internal conflicts within the coalition. On February 23, he stated that PPP had insisted on contesting Tampines GRC—a move opposed by PV, RP, and DPP, who feared a four-cornered fight in the constituency.

    In a Facebook post, Lim also pointed to disagreements over PPP’s stance on COVID-19 vaccination. In 2024, PPP had repeatedly called for suspending COVID-19 vaccinations, prompting rebuttals from the Ministry of Health.

    Citing these differences, Lim said the alliance and PPP had mutually agreed to part ways. His statement came shortly after he was sentenced on February 17 to six weeks in jail and fined $1,000 for practicing law without a valid certificate in 2021.

    During a walkabout in Tampines on February 23, PPP’s secretary-general, Goh Meng Seng, clarified that the party is not anti-vaccine but instead advocates for what he called “pro-safe vax” policies. He emphasized that PPP opposes mandatory vaccination but does not reject vaccines outright. According to Goh, Lim and Kenneth Jeyaretnam—RP’s secretary-general and the alliance’s chairman—viewed PPP’s position as too controversial, further deepening divisions within the alliance.

    Implications for Singapore Politics

    As Singapore nears the general election, several factors will influence voter sentiment. The ruling People’s Action Party (PAP) could face a dip in support under its new leader, Lawrence Wong, who lacks direct ties to the Lee family dynasty. Moreover, some disillusioned young voters remain unconvinced despite Wong’s social media efforts. However, in the end, a fractured opposition is likely to work in the PAP’s favor.

    The Workers’ Party (WP), the strongest opposition force, has been weakened by its leader’s conviction for lying. While some view him as a martyr, his ability to challenge the PAP remains uncertain. Meanwhile, the Progress Singapore Party (PSP), the third-largest opposition party with parliamentary representation, is expected to compete more with WP than with PAP, drawing votes from WP rather than posing a serious challenge to the ruling party’s dominance.

    For smaller opposition parties, alliances often serve as a means to secure parliamentary seats for their leaders rather than to mount a genuine challenge to the PAP. In this context, the latest split—particularly the People’s Power Party’s (PPP) departure—will likely have little impact on the election. However, each fractured coalition further weakens the opposition’s standing in Singapore’s political landscape.

  • The Political Impact of Singapore’s Opposition Leader’s Conviction

    The Political Impact of Singapore’s Opposition Leader’s Conviction

    Pritam Singh, Singapore’s first formal opposition leader since 1965, was convicted on Monday of two counts of misleading a parliamentary committee investigating another Member of Parliament. The conviction could have serious repercussions for Singh and his party in the upcoming national elections, slated for November 2025, dealing a significant blow to an opposition already struggling to challenge the entrenched dominance of the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP).

    The Elections Department (ELD) clarified that Singh, as leader of the Workers’ Party (WP), will not lose his seat or be disqualified from the upcoming general election, despite initial concerns. According to the Constitution, disqualification is determined by the sentence for a single offense. Thus, if an individual faces multiple charges and the sentence for each does not meet the disqualification threshold—either a prison term of at least one year or a fine of at least S$10,000—he remains eligible to serve as an MP. While Singh is not disqualified, his political future remains uncertain, particularly given the PAP’s overwhelming influence and its well-established campaign infrastructure.

    Singh has previously stated that he could not accept the committee’s findings and intends to clear his name. Speaking to the press after the hearing, he expressed confidence that the verdict would not dampen his party’s morale ahead of the next general election, which must be held by November 23 but could be called as early as May. He left it to the public to decide how they wanted to cast their votes, stressing that the Workers’ Party believes this is a crucial moment for Singapore as it strives for a more balanced political system. Acknowledging the numerous obstacles the party has faced throughout their political journey, Singh emphasized their resilience, adding that this case would be no different.

    While the People’s Action Party (PAP) is expected to secure a significant portion of seats in Parliament, this election will be the first time it faces voters since Prime Minister Lawrence Wong took over leadership from Lee Hsien Loong in May of last year. The PAP is also dealing with a decline in support among younger voters. Despite securing 83 of the 93 parliamentary seats and 61 percent of the popular vote in the 2020 election, the PAP experienced a 9 percent drop in support compared to the 2015 election. Moreover, the party has been embroiled in a series of scandals that have shaken the normally stable world of Singaporean politics. These include the corruption case involving former Transport Minister S. Iswaran, who was convicted and jailed in October, and the resignation of two senior officials, including parliamentary speaker Tan Chuan-Jin, over an “Inappropriate Relationship.” The PAP has also found itself caught in a bitter feud among the children of founding father Lee Kuan Yew, whose disagreements over their father’s legacy have caused estrangement. As a result, the Workers’ Party finds itself with several factors in its favor.

    In the 2020 election, the Workers’ Party increased its share of seats in Parliament from six to ten—the largest gain for an opposition party since Singapore’s independence in 1965. Following the election, Singh became the first opposition leader in Singapore to be formally recognized in this role, with then Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong acknowledging that the result reflected a strong desire among Singaporeans for greater diversity in political views. Singh’s disqualification would have dealt a significant blow to the Workers’ Party as it seeks to build on these gains in 2025 and mount a more formidable challenge to the dominant PAP. Since the last election, the party has faced several scandals. In addition to the Khan controversy, two prominent party members—MP Leon Perera and Nicole Seah, head of the youth wing—resigned in mid-2023 over an extramarital affair.

    Although Singh avoided disqualification, his conviction for lying under oath could damage his party’s reputation. Nevertheless, this does not mean the PAP will relax its efforts, as new players have emerged in Singapore’s political landscape, even if they are still relatively new. The 2020 general election also marked the debut of the Progress Singapore Party (PSP), led by former PAP stalwart Tan Cheng Bock. While the PSP did not win any seats, it captured just over 10 percent of the popular vote. Although the Workers’ Party increased its share of seats in Parliament, its portion of the popular vote declined slightly due to the PSP’s gains. The PSP is anticipated to attract both anti-PAP and anti-Workers’ Party votes, potentially emerging as a growing opposition force in the next general election. However, some experts argue that the PSP is unlikely to surpass the Workers’ Party in terms of seat count, and the division of the opposition vote could ultimately benefit the PAP, making it easier for them to secure a triumph.

  • The US-China Trade War Heats Up—What It Means for Singapore

    The US-China Trade War Heats Up—What It Means for Singapore

    As the U.S.-China trade war intensifies, Singapore finds itself in an uneasy position—deeply exposed to economic disruptions despite not being directly targeted by Washington’s tariff measures. President Trump’s latest round of tariffs, primarily aimed at Chinese imports, was also extended to Mexico and Canada before a temporary reprieve. Beijing’s response—retaliatory tariffs, restrictions on critical exports to the U.S., and an inquiry into Google—has further unsettled markets. For Singapore, a crucial intermediary between China and the West, the stakes are high. Its economy, reliant on trade, shipping, and its role as a strategic hub for American and Chinese businesses, is deeply entwined with the shifting tides of global commerce. Though spared from direct U.S. tariffs, the city-state remains vulnerable to the ripple effects of an escalating economic standoff.

    Singapore’s Foreign Minister, Vivian Balakrishnan, addressed the rising tensions in Parliament on February 4, emphasizing the significance of the U.S.-Singapore Free Trade Agreement (FTA). He noted that since its implementation in 2004, the FTA has tripled bilateral trade and consistently ensured a U.S. trade surplus with Singapore. He stated that Singapore is unlikely to face direct tariffs, as the United States maintains a trade surplus with the country. However, he cautioned that Singapore must remain vigilant and prepared for economic turbulence. As a small, open economy where trade exceeds three times its GDP, Singapore would inevitably feel the effects of any disruption to global supply chains or economic integration.

    The minister responded to Nominated MP Neil Parekh’s concerns about Singapore-U.S. relations after President Donald Trump’s inauguration on January 20 and the broader impact of U.S. tariffs. On February 4, the U.S. imposed a 10 percent tariff on Chinese imports. In retaliation, China announced that it would impose 15 percent tariffs on U.S. coal and liquefied natural gas, along with 10 percent tariffs on crude oil, farm equipment, and certain automobiles. Set to take effect on February 10, these tariffs could prompt further U.S. countermeasures, escalating trade tensions and adding to global economic uncertainty.

    Despite President Trump’s reputation for straining diplomatic ties, cutting foreign aid, and withdrawing from several international agreements—including those affecting Southeast Asian nations—Singapore remains confident in its relationship with the United States. Foreign Minister Vivian Balakrishnan emphasized that the strong, multifaceted ties between the two countries have been cultivated across both Democratic and Republican administrations for over 60 years. Singapore, he said, looks forward to deepening bilateral cooperation under Trump’s leadership.

    The U.S. remains Singapore’s top trading partner in services, its second-largest partner in goods, and its largest foreign investor. Dr. Balakrishnan highlighted that U.S. investments in Singapore surpass those in China, India, Japan, and South Korea combined, with over 6,000 American companies operating in the city-state. At the same time, Singapore ranks as the third-largest Asian investor in the U.S., with around 200 Singaporean firms operating across 40 states. Bilateral trade and investment between the two nations support more than 350,000 American jobs.

    Beyond trade, Dr. Balakrishnan underscored the crucial role of U.S. engagement in the Asia-Pacific, providing security, stability, and economic opportunities. 

    Singapore finds itself in a precarious position, deeply intertwined with both the U.S. and China due to its strategic location and economic reliance on both powers. Like a child caught in the middle of warring parents, it has little choice but to navigate the tensions carefully. The minister pointed out that even the U.S.’s relationships with its own allies and neighbors are evolving, further complicating the global landscape. While Singapore may prefer to stay out of the conflict, it has no real escape—just as a child cannot avoid the consequences of a bitter parental divorce.

  • Malaysia and Singapore Reunite After 60 Years with New Economic Zone

    Malaysia and Singapore Reunite After 60 Years with New Economic Zone

    On the 60th anniversary of Singapore gaining independence from Malaysia, or Malaysia expelling Singapore, the two nations are uniting once again by launching a bold initiative that brings them together. Last week, Malaysia and Singapore signed an agreement to establish the Johor-Singapore Special Economic Zone (JS-SEZ) in Malaysia’s southern Johor state, just north of Singapore. The project is more than a symbol of reconciliation decades after their split; it aims to transform their bilateral relationship by fostering cross-border investment, facilitating the movement of goods and people, and leveraging each country’s unique strengths to deepen economic integration.

    As Asia’s business significance grows for Western nations, Singapore emerges as the most viable option, particularly with Hong Kong now fully under China’s control. Meanwhile, both China and India have risen as global powerhouses but remain entangled in unresolved political disputes. Businesses from both countries may view Singapore as a neutral venue for collaboration. These factors create a favorable investment climate for both Singapore and Malaysia. While Singapore faces challenges with limited space and rising costs, Malaysia offers its land and infrastructure to complement Singapore’s global appeal. Together, the two nations are poised to achieve a significant economic boost through the new special economic zone. Proposals for the JS-SEZ include a passport-free immigration clearance system, collaboration on renewable energy, and streamlined business approvals.

    Singapore Prime Minister Lawrence Wong emphasized that the JS-SEZ will create high-quality jobs for citizens of both nations and attract significant international investment. He highlighted that both governments have worked closely with stakeholders to establish conditions that support long-term business growth, underscoring the value of collaboration in securing global investments. Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim described the initiative as a groundbreaking effort that enables both countries to leverage their strengths and deepen ties in a world increasingly divided by geopolitical tensions. Johor’s Chief Minister, Onn Hafiz Ghazi, stressed the importance of capitalizing on the opportunities provided by the agreement, noting that the benefits of the JS-SEZ would extend beyond Johor Bahru, driving economic growth and boosting tourism across the state.

    In the long run, the zone is expected to attract diverse investments, with developed nations and China continuing as key sources of FDI in ASEAN. In the short term, Southeast Asia, including Malaysia, has gained from the “China Plus One” strategies employed by global companies, which shift some production from China to other emerging markets. However, the long-term viability of these advantages depends on major powers maintaining a cooperative stance toward smaller and middle powers engaging with their rivals. If this cooperation declines, FDI may face notable setbacks, particularly in the short to medium term.

    Singapore and Malaysia appear poised for closer cooperation with ambitious projects in the future. Singaporean Prime Minister Lee and Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar have invited proposals for a high-speed rail connection between the two countries. Anwar emphasized that the project should be led by the private sector with minimal government involvement, a stark contrast to the earlier plan that was scrapped in 2021 due to disagreements. It is ironic that, 60 years after their separation, both nations are now taking significant steps to strengthen their relationship.

    This collaboration reflects a forward-thinking vision for the region. As China and India reestablish themselves as global economic powerhouses in the 21st century, both are poised to compete for soft power and investment opportunities in Southeast Asia, a region historically tied to their influence. Malaysia and Singapore, with their strategic location and strong relationships with both superpowers, are well-positioned to draw Western investments. By offering a streamlined and business-friendly environment, they present an appealing alternative to the complexities businesses often encounter in China and India.

  • Singapore at Sixty: What 2025 Holds for Its Political Landscape

    Singapore at Sixty: What 2025 Holds for Its Political Landscape

    Singapore welcomed 2025 in its usual style, with countdowns lighting up Marina Bay, Sentosa, the Singapore Sports Hub, and 17 heartland venues. Yet, this New Year stood apart from the rest—beneath the glittering festivities lay a profound milestone: the nation’s sixtieth anniversary, a tribute to one of the most extraordinary feats of modern state-building. The diamond jubilee is more than a celebratory marker; it serves as a rallying cry to deepen Singapore’s shared values, nurture unity within its richly diverse society, and reinforce its collective identity. At the centerpiece of this significant year of celebration lies an exceptional National Day Parade at the historic Padang, with festivities spilling into Marina Bay and neighborhood spaces. But 2025 promises more than celebration—it heralds decisive moments ahead. A critical general election looms, complemented by a visionary Budget expected to redefine policies on job security and retirement sustainability, charting a transformative course for the Republic’s governance in its diamond jubilee year.

    Singapore is set to head to the polls by November 2025, though many observers predict the general election will take place much earlier. For months, political analysts have been watching closely for the formation of the Electoral Boundaries Review Committee, an indicator of the election’s timing, as it is convened ahead of every election cycle. Possible election dates currently under discussion include April, May, and July, following the release of Budget 2025, when Singaporeans will have had time to digest the fiscal plans. This period, coinciding with the nation’s approach to its 60th anniversary, is expected to stir reflection and introspection, adding weight to the electoral moment.

    The upcoming election will be the first under Prime Minister Lawrence Wong, and also his debut as Secretary-General of the People’s Action Party (PAP), a role he stepped into in December following Senior Minister Lee Hsien Loong’s departure from the position. PM Wong has underscored the high stakes of this election, warning that even a slight shift in voter sentiment could lead to a significantly weakened government. As the campaign heats up, political parties are gearing up with a blend of new contenders and seasoned figures appearing on constituency banners, attending grassroots events, and joining walkabouts, signaling a fiercely contested race ahead.

    A trade war and the resulting geopolitical tensions pose a significant risk in the near term. With the United States set to inaugurate President Donald Trump on January 20, the anticipated shift in policy, particularly his aggressive rhetoric against China and global trade, could ripple through international relations. Positioned as a critical link between Asia and the West, Singapore finds itself at the center of any potential fallout. Economically, Singapore’s growth is expected to decelerate in 2025, with key trading partners predicted to experience slower economic expansion. The Ministry of Trade and Industry anticipates Singapore’s GDP growth will slow to between 1 and 3 percent in 2025, compared to 3.5 percent in 2024. President Trump’s trade policies, which could impose tariffs of up to 20 percent on all trading partners and a 60 percent tariff on imports from China, are poised to further disrupt global markets. While Singapore might not face direct tariffs, the broader consequences of the US-China trade war—including rising import prices, reduced global demand, and decreased trade volumes—are likely to impede the nation’s economic growth.

    The upcoming Budget is set to be a key focus this year, as the rising cost of living and job security are top concerns for many. These issues will be addressed in Budget 2025, which Prime Minister Lawrence Wong will present on February 18. The annual Budget, which outlines the government’s spending priorities, will also include provisions to support Singaporeans at various stages of life. Some economists anticipate an “Election Budget,” designed to provide assistance across all sectors of society and businesses. Many also believe this Budget will signal Singapore’s shift towards a welfare-oriented state.

    It is certain that in 2025, Singapore’s political landscape will experience an eventful year. The general election will test the ruling party’s enduring grip on power since the nation’s inception, alongside a rising opposition that has shown considerable momentum. On the global stage, Singapore is poised to be swept up in the shifting tides of international affairs, with the evolving dynamics of the Trump presidency expected to influence its trajectory. This promises to be a year of both national reckoning and international engagement.

  • Singaporean Politics in 2024: Preparing for the Big Election

    Singaporean Politics in 2024: Preparing for the Big Election

    In 2024, Singaporean politics was shaped by a series of pivotal moments. A once-in-a-generation shift in leadership brought a new prime minister, while the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP) underwent substantial reforms under fresh leadership. As next year’s general election approached, political campaigns began to take shape. The country also faced the verdicts of high-profile scandals, which tarnished its reputation. Amidst all this, prominent foreign leaders, including India’s formidable Prime Minister Narendra Modi, visited, adding Singapore to global geopolitical discussions.

    In May, Lawrence Wong was sworn in as Singapore’s prime minister, marking only the third leadership transition since the country gained independence in 1965. A former government economist, Wong succeeded Lee Hsien Loong, who stepped down after two decades in office. Lee’s resignation was historic, as it was the first time since independence that no member of the Lee family held the office or was in line to do so. Lee continues to serve in Wong’s cabinet as senior minister.

    On May 13, Wong unveiled his first Cabinet, with key portfolios largely unchanged, except for the appointment of Minister for Trade and Industry Gan Kim Yong as deputy prime minister. Together with Deputy Prime Minister Heng Swee Keat, DPM Gan is expected to provide stability during the initial transition and mentor younger office-holders, according to Wong.

    A more substantial Cabinet reshuffle is anticipated after the general election, as PM Wong has indicated plans to rotate younger 4G ministers into new portfolios to broaden their experience, assuming the PAP is re-elected. While the two deputy prime ministers are seasoned leaders, it remains unclear who PM Wong views as his key 4G lieutenants. However, recent internal PAP appointments offer some insight: Education Minister Chan Chun Sing and National Development Minister Desmond Lee retained their positions as assistant secretaries-general.

    In his first National Day Rally address, Wong announced a reset of policies, including the introduction of an unemployment payment scheme and an extension of state-sponsored parental leave by 10 weeks. Political observers previously suggested that the unemployment payout signaled a shift toward welfarism. 

    Lawrence Wong is actively campaigning for next year’s general election, scheduled for November. He has taken several steps to boost the popularity of his party, the People’s Action Party (PAP), which has been in power since Singapore’s founding, while also enhancing his own image by leveraging modern tools and methods. Although the ruling party faces challenges from the opposition, it understands the risks and is positioning itself for a refresh ahead of its 70th anniversary. On December 4, Lawrence Wong was elected secretary-general of the PAP by the party’s top leadership. Additionally, Mr. Chan was promoted from vice-chairman to chairman of the headquarters executive committee, a position formerly held by Prime Minister Wong.

    In 2024, high-profile criminal cases involving former transport minister S. Iswaran and Leader of the Opposition Pritam Singh captivated the attention of Singaporeans. Iswaran, 62, pleaded guilty to five charges on what was supposed to be the first day of his trial, avoiding what many had expected to be a prolonged legal battle over corruption charges. In October, the court sentenced him to 12 months in jail for four counts of accepting valuable items as a public servant and one count of obstructing justice. Following this, Prime Minister Wong reaffirmed the government’s zero-tolerance policy toward corruption. He emphasized that, despite the personal difficulty in acting against a colleague and friend, it was the government’s responsibility to maintain Singapore’s clean and corruption-free system.

    Just weeks later, Singh, 48, faced two charges of perjury related to his testimony before a parliamentary committee. Over 13 court days spanning five weeks, the trial examined Singh’s statements in December 2021 to the Committee of Privileges, which had been convened to investigate a lie told by former WP MP Raeesah Khan. The trial saw testimony from Khan, former WP members, and former WP secretary-general Low Thia Khiang, with tense exchanges between the prosecution and defense. The case has drawn attention to the opposition, particularly the inner workings of the Workers’ Party, as Singh is the Republic’s first Leader of the Opposition.

    Singapore continues to maintain a conflicting stance on the Israel-Palestine conflict by not recognizing Palestine as a state while advocating for its cause and supporting a two-state solution. In 2024, it repeatedly called for an immediate ceasefire and the safe, unconditional release of all remaining hostages. In August, Foreign Minister Vivian Balakrishnan emphasized that Singapore must be prepared to call out violations of international law, breaches of the UN Charter, or actions that threaten fundamental principles. However, in June, three women faced public order charges for allegedly organizing a pro-Palestine procession near the Istana and soliciting online attendance. Despite numerous calls from leaders for recognition, Singapore has not officially recognized Palestine.

    Neither the PAP nor opposition parties are actively engaging with the ground, but potential candidates have already been spotted in several constituencies. Some level of horse-trading between opposition parties appears to have begun to avoid three-cornered contests, which have historically been seen as detrimental by splitting the opposition vote. Red Dot United (RDU) chief Ravi Philemon said that his party began walkabouts in Nee Soon GRC in August, after learning that the Progress Singapore Party was no longer active there. RDU is part of a four-party coalition with the National Solidarity Party, Singapore People’s Party, and the Singapore United Party. In 2020, most opposition parties had to broker bilateral pacts after a proposed coalition of seven opposition parties failed to materialize.

    The 2025 general election will be crucial for Singapore as it will test the latest generation of PAP leadership and highlight the growing strength of the opposition, shaping the future of Singapore’s politics. The shift toward a welfare state is expected in the coming years, with the opposition playing an important role in this evolving landscape. At the same time, the new U.S. administration under Trump may demand more pro-U.S. policies from the Singapore government, potentially destabilizing the country’s geopolitical balance.

  • Will Singapore Ever Recognize Palestine?

    Will Singapore Ever Recognize Palestine?

    As the Israel-Hamas conflict slipped into yet another charged chapter, Singapore retained its measured commitment to a two-state solution, its calls for Palestinian sovereignty growing steadily louder. Yet, despite these increasingly public declarations of support, the city-state continues to withhold formal recognition of Palestine. By contrast, its Muslim-majority neighbors have embraced a more unequivocal stance, championing Palestinian statehood while categorically refusing to recognize Israel. Their position is tethered to the broader contours of the “From the River to the Sea” ideology, a vision that entertains the erasure of the Jewish state altogether.

    If not to dismantle Israel, the question might reasonably arise: why not recognize both? Intriguingly, Singapore sets itself apart not just from its regional peers but also from nations that recognize both Israel and Palestine. Instead, it aligns with countries like Japan and South Korea, which extend official recognition solely to Israel. But unlike these countries, who remain muted on the question of Palestine, Singapore strikes a markedly different tone. Through consistent, though noncommittal, expressions of support, it fosters a posture that is at once active and ambiguous—a calculated ambiguity that renders its stance an exercise in balancing rhetoric and restraint.

    There were fleeting moments when Singapore seemed poised to join the growing list of nations recognizing Palestine, as Spain and Armenia had done in recent years, spurred by the humanitarian crisis in Gaza. Each time, however, Singapore stepped back. In May, a proposed resolution to recognize Palestine sparked cautious optimism across the Islamic world, which saw the potential shift as a significant gesture from a prominent Asian nation. The optimism, though, proved premature. By July, in a parliamentary address, Minister for Foreign Affairs Vivian Balakrishnan announced that Singapore would recognize Palestine—only for the resolution to be quietly shelved.

    Come September, Singapore once again appeared to take a bold step, supporting a United Nations General Assembly resolution demanding that Israel end its unlawful presence in the occupied Palestinian territories within a year. Whispers swirled of Singapore leaning favorably toward Palestine, yet the momentum faltered once more.

    Singapore’s delicate balancing act took center stage in a recent podcast episode featuring Prime Minister Lawrence Wong. Reflecting on the Gaza war and its global repercussions, Wong affirmed Singapore’s commitment to collaborating with international partners to help secure a homeland for the Palestinian people while aiding their preparation for eventual statehood. He stressed the necessity of a deliberate and nuanced approach, positioning Singapore as neither beholden to the views of its neighbors nor inclined to alienate the United States. Technical assistance, Wong argued, represents a meaningful and uniquely Singaporean contribution to global affairs—a strategy deeply rooted in the city-state’s diplomatic ethos. Drawing comparisons to Singapore’s well-established support initiatives across Southeast Asia, he suggested that similar efforts could play a critical role in equipping Palestine for the responsibilities of statehood. Over the course of the 46-minute podcast, Wong’s remarks revealed a careful and calibrated strategy—one that seeks to balance principle with pragmatism, charting a course that maintains Singapore’s reputation as a constructive, if cautious, participant in the global dialogue on Palestine.

    In the interview organized by Plan B, Prime Minister Wong reiterated Singapore’s steadfast support for a two-state solution, while emphasizing the nation’s recent initiatives to address the humanitarian crisis in Gaza. Since the war erupted in October 2023, Singapore has dispatched five consignments of humanitarian aid to Gaza. Both government-led and citizen-driven contributions have amassed over US$13 million in donations to support relief efforts. Earlier this month, Dr. Maliki Osman, Singapore’s Second Minister for Foreign Affairs, met with Dr. Mohammad Mustafa, the Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Palestine, during a conference in Cairo. There, Dr. Maliki reaffirmed Singapore’s commitment to assisting Palestine in its capacity-building endeavors. Moreover, Singapore has expanded the number of scholarships offered under its Enhanced Technical Assistance Package for Palestinians, increasing the annual intake from three to ten. 

    While Singapore’s public stance appears to align with Gaza, its domestic policies exhibit a more restrictive approach, particularly when it comes to managing any form of public protest that could tarnish its image. In October of the previous year, authorities prohibited public events tied to the Gaza conflict, even in the country’s sole designated free speech zone, citing concerns about public safety and security. They also issued a warning against displaying symbols associated with the war. Three women were charged for attempting to organize a group of 70 individuals to deliver pro-Palestinian letters to the president’s office and official residence without a permit. Despite such efforts being stifled, there has been ongoing pressure from Palestinian supporters in the city-state for Singapore to sever its defense ties with Israel and officially recognize Palestinian statehood. This has been accompanied by a surge in public mobilization. A petition demanding the government recognize Palestine as a state has collected over 10,000 signatures since its launch in October.

    The Singaporean government’s sympathy for Palestine is evident, yet its actions reveal the deep constraints of what it is willing—or able—to offer. While there is a notable push for practical support, the more contentious issue of formal recognition remains elusive. This tension speaks to the complex diplomatic landscape that Singapore must traverse. The city-state, often characterized as conservative in practice but progressive in appearance, exemplifies this paradox. On closer inspection, it is apparent in nearly every facet of its policies.

    With 15 percent of its population Muslim and deep business ties to neighboring Muslim-majority countries, Singapore can no longer ignore the Palestinian cause. However, any move to formally recognize Palestine seems untenable without risking its strategic relationships elsewhere. Chief among these is its long-standing military alliance with Israel, which dates back to Singapore’s split from Malaysia in 1965. At that time, Israel played a key role in helping build Singapore’s military—an offer other regional powers, like India, had refused. Caught in this diplomatic web, the city-state finds itself in a precarious position, unable to fully align with either side without facing significant consequences. Though Singapore will likely delay its recognition of Palestine “Until the Right Time.”