Tag: US

  • Trump Takes a Swing at China with Tariffs

    Trump Takes a Swing at China with Tariffs

    Donald Trump has once again turned to tariffs as a tool of economic warfare. On Friday, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt announced that the president had imposed a 25 percent tariff on imports from Canada and Mexico and a 10 percent tariff on Chinese goods. The lower rate on Chinese imports might seem like a concession, but the numbers suggest otherwise. China accounts for nearly 17 percent of total U.S. imports, and these new tariffs, stacked atop those from Trump’s first administration, will hit with considerable force. For Chinese businesses and the government, this latest economic squeeze could have far-reaching consequences.

    The White House has presented the move as a crackdown on illegal drugs and migration, but the broader aim is clear: bringing countries in line with American interests and pressuring U.S. trading partners to relocate operations to American soil, bolstering domestic industries—a strategy Trump views as essential to his vision of making America great again. Yet, the consequences won’t be confined to Beijing. American businesses and consumers are likely to feel the strain as well.

    White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt said at a briefing that the tariffs were a response to the illegal fentanyl sourced and distributed into the U.S., which she claimed had killed tens of millions of Americans. She described the tariffs as necessary, arguing that Canada, Mexico, and China had failed to provide sufficient cooperation in addressing long standing domestic political issues—problems Trump had vowed to fix during his campaign.

    Political experts argue that the tariffs are driven more by economic concerns and trade imbalances than by issues of drugs and migration. China, Mexico, and Canada remain America’s three largest trading partners, accounting for over $2.1 trillion in annual trade in goods and services in 2023, the most recent available data. The U.S. trade deficit with Canada nearly doubled, rising from $31 billion in 2019 to $72 billion in 2023, while the deficit with Mexico grew from $106 billion to $161 billion over the same period. However, the trade deficit with China fell to $279 billion in 2023, a decline of more than 25 percent from the previous year.

    Despite the reduction in the trade deficit, U.S. imports continue to be heavily dependent on China. During his first term, President Trump imposed tariffs ranging from 7.5% to 25% on $300 billion worth of Chinese goods. As part of the “Phase One” trade agreement in 2020, China committed to purchasing an additional $200 billion in U.S. products over two years. However, Beijing fell short of meeting these targets, a shortfall attributed in part to the disruptions caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. Some conspiracy theorists suggest a connection between these unmet commitments and the lab leaked pandemic.

    Asian shares declined on Monday morning following President Donald Trump’s implementation of tariffs on key trading partners. Investors are concerned about a potential trade war that could impact major companies’ earnings and global economic growth. Canada and Mexico have announced retaliatory tariffs, while China has pledged “corresponding countermeasures” and intends to challenge Trump’s actions at the World Trade Organization.

    The U.S. auto industry is particularly vulnerable to the newly imposed tariffs, as major automakers like General Motors and Ford rely heavily on imports from Mexico and Canada. President Trump has suggested that these import taxes could prevent Chinese carmakers from using Mexico as a workaround for U.S. tariffs on electric vehicles from the mainland. However, such imports are already largely restricted by other trade barriers.

    Even before Friday’s announcement, Canada and Mexico signaled retaliation. Reports indicate that Ottawa could target American exports like orange juice, toilets, and steel products. Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum stated this week that she believed the U.S. would not impose new tariffs, despite White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt’s assertion the day before that February 1 was “still on the books.” In November, Sheinbaum warned that further tariffs would trigger greater retaliation and potentially endanger cross-border business.

    Trump’s game of tariffs on key trading partners has sent ripples through the global economy, raising concerns about a potential trade war that could impact major companies’ earnings and global economic growth. By targeting both China and Canada, the administration signals that no nation is exempt from these economic measures. China, striving to recover from the pandemic’s economic impact, faces significant challenges due to these tariffs. While China plans to approach the World Trade Organization to contest the U.S. actions, the absence of formidable opposition suggests that the U.S. may secure favorable agreements with these countries in the near future. The effectiveness of these tariffs in reducing fentanyl-related activities remains uncertain, but their impact on global economics is undeniable.

  • The Politics of Climate Conference

    The Politics of Climate Conference

    There are no longer any doubts about climate change, as its effects are evident to everyone. People’s suffering continues to grow, but climate spending and the politics surrounding it have caused significant division. The global right-wing and those burdened by rising living costs protest the expenses tied to climate initiatives, while the global left and climate activists demand more funding for climate action. As this polarization grows, the United Nations held its annual Climate Change Conference, COP29, in Azerbaijan, a country made up of oil. The conference took place in Baku from November 11 to 22, 2024.

    Unlike previous years, the event failed to generate significant attention. Despite the Azerbaijani government investing substantial oil revenues in PR campaigns, international media provided minimal coverage. The conference lost the global focus it once enjoyed, though it sparked some interesting controversies. The controversy began with the choice of hosts. Last year, Dubai—a wealthy, oil-rich desert hub—hosted the conference. This year, the decision to hold COP29 in Azerbaijan raised eyebrows once again. Azerbaijan, a major oil and gas producer, is also known for its authoritarian governance and widespread corruption. Adding to the controversy, Mukhtar Babayev, a longtime official with Azerbaijan’s state-owned oil company SOCAR, served as the president of COP29. These contradictions are glaring, much like LGBTQ+ advocates supporting Muslim rights. The peak of these ironies fuels doubts among the public and erodes trust in global climate efforts. Many accuse these actions of greenwashing, with little positive impact on the climate. Countries and businesses use climate change as a means to generate public opinion, much like how sports-washing works.

    COP29 Chief Executive Elnur Soltanov was secretly recorded discussing potential oil and gas deals during the conference, raising serious concerns about the need for such high-cost events. And EU diplomats criticized Azerbaijan for excluding fossil fuel phase-out from the conference agenda, which focused solely on mitigation. These events led Papua New Guinea’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Justin Tkatchenko, to announce a boycott of the summit, calling it a total waste of time.

    Discussions largely focused on climate-related finances. A key agenda item was negotiating the New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) on climate finance, which sought to establish a new financial target to support developing nations after 2025, building on the previous $100 billion annual commitment. Proposed solutions included blended finance, which combines public and private investments to boost funding for climate initiatives, and debt-for-nature swaps, allowing countries to redirect debt repayments toward environmental and climate projects. COP29 encouraged global financial institutions and the private sector to increase climate finance and invest in green innovation. 

    Delegates also agreed on rules and established a UN registry to facilitate and track international carbon credit trading. Key points of tension in the negotiations involved the donor base. Developed economies, such as the US and the European Union, argued that resource-rich countries like China and Gulf Cooperation Council nations should automatically contribute. Another point of contention was the share of funding coming from public budgets, with developing countries demanding significant increases in public, non-loan grants. The final $300 billion climate finance agreement stipulates that both public and private sources will provide funding and encourages voluntary contributions from developing countries, including China and Middle Eastern nations.

    The next COP, set to take place in Brazil in 2025, is expected to witness more intense political friction. The United States will have a new president, one who has shown little interest in climate-related issues. This shift could influence major countries, particularly in Europe, where there is significant opposition to spending large amounts of money on climate initiatives. The rise of right-wing movements and the weakening of climate-focused green parties in Europe may further undermine pledges, as they may not come to fruition. Meanwhile, China and India, the world’s growing economies, are unlikely to bear the burden even though they find clear opportunities in the process. As a result, the climate will continue to heat up.

  • Assessing the Impact of the ICC’s Arrest Warrant on Netanyahu

    Assessing the Impact of the ICC’s Arrest Warrant on Netanyahu

    International news outlets and social media are celebrating the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) arrest warrant for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Netanyahu is leading a war against Iran’s Axis of Resistance, which has vowed to dismantle the state of Israel. However, the ICC has decided to act during the war. Netanyahu has become the first leader of a modern Western-style democracy to face an arrest warrant issued by the ICC in its 22-year history. He now stands alongside his former defense secretary, Yoav Gallant, and Hamas military leader Mohammed Deif, although doubts remain about Deif’s current status.

    The ICC’s three-judge panel stated that reasonable grounds exist to believe Netanyahu and Gallant are criminally responsible for war crimes, including using starvation as a method of warfare, as well as crimes against humanity such as murder, persecution, and other inhumane acts. The panel also found reasonable grounds to hold them accountable as civilian superiors for directing attacks against civilian populations.

    While anti-war advocates, leftists, and Islamic groups anticipate that Netanyahu will be forced to avoid international travel, the ICC arrest warrant actually benefits the prime minister in several ways. The warrant significantly bolsters Netanyahu’s narrative that international bodies are against Israel and have no support in fostering peace for the country. With the warrant, Netanyahu can now position himself as a leader in a battle against those seeking Israel’s destruction, a role that aligns seamlessly with his political strategy. 

    The ICC depends on its 124 member states, signatories of the Rome Statute that established the court, to enforce arrest warrants. These countries are obligated to arrest individuals wanted by the ICC if they enter their territory. However, neither Israel nor its closest ally, the United States, are members of the ICC, nor are Qatar and Egypt—potential venues for ceasefire talks.  Netanyahu remains free to visit Russia, China, India, and other influential nations as they all are not member states. On the other hand, Germany, a strong ally of Israel, is an ICC member, as are all European Union nations, Switzerland, Japan, Australia, and most Latin American countries, with the exceptions of Cuba and Haiti. Still, it is uncertain whether these countries will act against Israel and the United States in favor of the ICC’s warrant. Last year, Vladimir Putin avoided visiting South Africa amid speculation that authorities might detain him under an ICC warrant for Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Yet, he was warmly welcomed in Mongolia, an ICC member state, exposing the persistent weaknesses in the court’s enforcement mechanism.

    The US strongly criticized the ICC’s decision, with President Joe Biden calling the arrest warrants outrageous in a Thursday night statement. The US National Security Council also issued a statement rejecting the court’s decision, reiterating that the ICC lacks jurisdiction over the matter. This position contrasts with the US’s earlier support for the ICC’s warrant against Vladimir Putin for alleged war crimes in Ukraine. Netanyahu’s office condemned the ICC’s decision, labeling it antisemitic and describing the court as a biased and discriminatory political body.

    The ICC’s verdict has united Israeli politicians, with Benny Gantz, a retired general and political rival of Netanyahu, condemning the decision as moral blindness and a shameful stain of historic proportions that will never be forgotten. Israel is clearly using the ICC arrest warrant as an opportunity to attack the international body, which has previously recognized Palestine. Palestine joined the Rome Statute in 2015, and in 2021, the ICC recognized it as a state, extending its jurisdiction to territories occupied by Israel since 1967, including Gaza, the West Bank, and East Jerusalem. However, this recognition has had little practical impact. Many parts of Palestine lack functioning governance or administrative systems, and Hamas has no means to arrest Netanyahu. So, The ICC’s rulings, while symbolically significant, remain largely ineffective in practice.

  • How Would Trump’s Second Term Affect Asia?

    How Would Trump’s Second Term Affect Asia?

    Donald Trump has been confirmed as the next U.S. president, defeating incumbent Vice President Kamala Harris. As the 47th president, he will take office next year, though his return to the post after a defeat is already resonating worldwide. The U.S. president’s role extends beyond national borders, shaping global direction and policy. Asia, the world’s focal point this century, is preparing for Trump’s return, and he is likely to focus more on the region in his second term compared to his predecessors, who primarily concentrated on Europe and Latin America.

    In his last term, which ended four years ago, Trump clearly demonstrated his approach as a businessman-turned-politician. While the Biden administration has since reshaped the global landscape, Trump is expected to resume his previous style, promoting closer ties between Saudi Arabia and Israel, taming Russia and Iran, shifting U.S. alliances from Pakistan toward India, challenging China, and reinforcing U.S. relations with East Asia.

    The war-ridden Middle East anticipates Trump’s immediate attention. Many Arab Americans expressed anger over the Democratic Party’s failure to address regional issues, which contributed to their loss. Trump is expected to be more reactive in the region than Biden. He has been a staunch supporter of Israel and has built strong ties with Israel and its Prime Minister Netanyahu, while Democrats, especially Kamala Harris, have advocated for a two-state solution and support for Palestine. Trump recognized Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, moved the U.S. embassy there, and encouraged allies to follow suit. During his previous tenure, he also proposed a peace plan that, while heavily favoring Israel, was still somewhat workable.

    Trump’s pro-Israel approach led many to fear it would deteriorate relations with Muslim states. However, while openly supporting Israel, he also established a strong relationship with Saudi Arabia and the Crown Prince, despite heavy criticism from human rights watchdogs and significant opposition both within the U.S. and abroad. His efforts resulted in closer ties between several Muslim nations and Israel, with Saudi Arabia nearly formalizing relations. Some Republicans even nominated Trump for a Nobel Peace Prize for these actions, and many believe Saudi Arabia would have formalized relations with Israel had Trump won a second term four years before instead of Biden.

    During Biden’s term, Saudi Arabia became increasingly distant and pursued other alliances, including with Russia. Many believe Trump can fix this and could persuade Netanyahu to negotiate a ceasefire. However, regarding Iran, Trump is expected to maintain a hardline stance against the regime, and a closer U.S.-Israel alignment could further pressure Iran, potentially fueling internal unrest. Conflicts in Syria and Iraq will likely persist, with additional U.S. support expected for the Kurds. Turkey, under Erdogan’s vision of Ottoman revival, may continue a balanced approach rather than adopting a more assertive role.

    Central Asia and Russia are also likely to remain in Trump’s focus. Given his alleged close ties with Putin, many believe he may work to resolve the conflict between Ukraine and Russia. As a seasoned negotiator, Trump might aim to broker an agreement between both sides. During his campaign, Trump acknowledged American frustration over spending on Ukraine, suggesting a resolution may be near. In exchange for potential cooperation with Russia, Trump might reduce U.S. involvement in Russia’s sphere of influence in Central Asia, an area where Biden sought to weaken Moscow’s control.

    In South Asia, Trump’s interest in the Indian market was evident during his previous term. He cultivated a strong relationship with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and both view each other as close allies. However, as nationalists, they often balance competing interests. Nonetheless, the mutual reliance between the U.S. and India—both in terms of American production needs and the Indian market, and vice versa—suggests that major deals may soon follow. Despite her Indian heritage, Kamala Harris is often seen by Indian media as opposing Modi due to her stance on certain policies. It was also clear that Indian media endorsed Trump during the campaigns. This alignment creates room for more significant developments between the U.S. and India, while Islamic nations in the region, like Pakistan and Bangladesh, may face challenges due to Trump’s pro-India and pro-Hindu stance.

    In East Asia, Trump’s relationship with China is likely to worsen as he opposes any economic growth in China that might threaten U.S. market dominance. Trump initiated the ongoing trade wars, and further actions against Chinese products are expected. His push to revitalize American manufacturing will likely intensify pressure on China. By framing China as an adversary, Trump’s strategy may drive more countries away from China’s business, which could significantly impact China and escalate tensions between the U.S. and China. This economic friction may heighten tensions in the South China Sea, especially if China loses market influence.

    Trump’s search for alternatives to China could benefit Southeast Asian countries, particularly Vietnam, Indonesia, and possibly Malaysia. Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan will likely draw closer to the U.S., as Trump seeks to strengthen alliances to counter China. His previous engagement with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un also showcased his diplomatic flexibility.

    Asia is sure to see more eventful days during Trump’s second term. Israel and Russia, both seeking an end to ongoing conflicts, appear uncertain about how to resolve them and may be hoping for an intervention. Donald Trump is likely to step in, aiming to position himself as a hero. Optimists believe a resolution could happen within months, as he has discussed these issues multiple times and has strong relationships with key parties, along with a desire to save American money.

    However, while Trump may strengthen some alliances, many believe his approach could strain relationships with other regional actors, such as Iran, China and  nuclear-armed Pakistan. As tensions between the U.S. and China continue, there is a risk of increased instability in the eastern region. Yet, with Trump’s focus on economic growth and business, it’s expected that global attention will shift back to economic matters, setting aside other issues currently in the spotlight.

  • How Will the U.S. Election Impact the Israel-Gaza Conflict, and Vice Versa?

    How Will the U.S. Election Impact the Israel-Gaza Conflict, and Vice Versa?

    Israel’s war on Gaza shows no signs of ending soon, and countries around the world seem unwilling to intervene. The only country outside of Israel with the capacity to meaningfully intervene is the United States. Despite being the world’s most powerful country, capable of diplomatic and military operations anywhere, the U.S. appears constrained in acting against Israel’s will, a nation it holds dear. With a sizable Jewish and Muslim population – both of whom are divided over the Israel-Gaza conflict – the U.S. presidential election is also expected to be influenced by the situation. In response to growing negative sentiment and campus protests in solidarity with Palestine, the U.S., along with its Arab allies, has attempted to broker a ceasefire and develop a solution, but these efforts have not succeeded. With Biden stepping away from the presidential race, the U.S. now awaits the upcoming contest between hard-right Republican Trump and left-leaning Democrat Kamala Harris to see how future intervention in the Israel-Gaza conflict will unfold.

    While both candidates follow core U.S. policies in the Middle East, their approaches to resolving the conflict differ. Kamala Harris has not outlined detailed plans but remains firmly committed to Israel, continuing the U.S.’s long standing support for the nation. She reaffirmed her backing of Israel, emphasizing the need to secure the release of hostages, while advocating for a two-state solution to provide both Palestinian sovereignty and security, which conventionally the US does not endorse. 

    Harris advocates for a ceasefire, conditioned on Hamas releasing the hostages taken during the October 7 attack and the withdrawal of Israeli forces from Gaza. She was among the first Western leaders to call for a ceasefire in early March and has been more outspoken than President Biden regarding the humanitarian crisis caused by Israel’s military actions in Gaza. However, she has yet to make progress in advancing negotiations on this issue. Despite her reported disagreements with Prime Minister Netanyahu over his handling of the war, she has not proposed any actions that would directly affect his government. Notably, she skipped Netanyahu’s speech to Congress in July but met with him privately during his visit to Washington. Harris’s positions can appear inconsistent or impractical, raising questions about the feasibility of her approach.

    Donald Trump, the former president, has clearly stated his position on the Israel-Gaza conflict and claims to have a resolution plan. He has pledged to resolve the issue quickly if re-elected. However, he has not provided specifics on how he would negotiate with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Hamas to achieve a ceasefire and secure the release of Israeli hostages held in Gaza.

    Trump has consistently supported Israel’s war on Gaza, urging the country to conclude the conflict swiftly due to diminishing international support. Although he was initially critical of Netanyahu and Israeli intelligence for being unprepared for the Oct. 7 attack, he quickly retracted those comments and reaffirmed his strong alliance with Netanyahu, with whom he had a close relationship during his presidency. During his time in office, Trump released a peace proposal he called a blueprint for a two-state solution. However, this plan did not propose a fully autonomous Palestinian state and was perceived as heavily favoring Israel. Trump’s administration strongly backed Netanyahu’s government and endorsed hard-liner Israeli policies previously rejected by the U.S. His presidency also saw a significant warming of relations between Israel and several Arab countries, highlighting his skills as a negotiator and businessman.

    Criticism of the current U.S. government’s actions is likely to target Kamala Harris, as American activists have reported on the ongoing casualties from the war. Traditionally, Muslim and Arab voters lean toward the Democratic Party, but dissatisfaction with the current administration’s handling of the situation and its stance on Israel has caused frustration. Additionally, many liberals and anti-war advocates within the Democratic base are unhappy with the government’s response. While Trump is unlikely to gain favor from these groups due to his pro-Israel stance, many believe he might be able to end the conflict with his negotiation and problem-solving skills, which previously helped improve relations between Arabs and Israelis during his tenure. A ceasefire before the election seems unlikely, as the outgoing president, who is not running for re-election, would not gain any political advantage from such a deal.

  • Are We Really Approaching a Ceasefire in Gaza?

    Are We Really Approaching a Ceasefire in Gaza?

    A ceasefire in the Israel-Hamas conflict is now a demand from the United States as Americans head to the polls to choose their next president in November. Neither Hamas nor Israel seems particularly interested in this. Israel does not feel the need to stop the war at this point because they have successfully framed Hamas as their biggest threat following the October 7th attack. Meanwhile, in Gaza, a Hamas-controlled territory, a severe humanitarian crisis is unfolding, with over 40,000 deaths reported by local health authorities and critical issues such as famine and a lack of drinking water. This situation only strengthens Hamas’s image as a martyr organization within the Muslim world, which aligns with the group’s objectives. For outsiders who do not view this as a holy war, a ceasefire is their primary demand. The UN’s influence seems limited, and the U.S. is seen as the only power that can make a difference. Secretary Blinken’s visit raised some hope, but the situation still appears to be in limbo, with talks expected to continue.

    U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken emphasized the urgency of securing a ceasefire in Gaza as he concluded his Middle East tour, with an agreement between Israel and Hamas still out of reach. He stated that the deal needs to be completed soon, ideally within the next few days. Blinken urged Hamas to accept a bridging proposal that Israel has already agreed to and encouraged both parties to work toward finalizing it. Blinken, along with mediators from Egypt and Qatar, is focusing on this bridging proposal to narrow the gaps between the two sides in the 10-month-old conflict. Despite last week’s negotiations pausing without a breakthrough, the U.S. expects ceasefire talks to continue this week.

    However, analysts believe that achieving a ceasefire will not be easy. Hamas is not directly participating in the negotiations and has expressed concerns that the latest proposal on the table leans too much toward Israel’s demands. On Tuesday, the militant group responded to comments by U.S. President Joe Biden, who suggested that they were backing away from an agreement with Israel, calling these remarks misleading. The proposed plan calls for a six-week ceasefire, during which a limited number of female, seniors, and sick Israeli hostages would be freed in exchange for Palestinians held in Israeli prisons. The ceasefire could be extended indefinitely while negotiators work on a second stage, which would include the return of soldiers and bodies, the withdrawal of Israeli troops from Gaza, and the return of displaced Palestinian civilians to their homes in the northern part of the strip.

    A key obstacle to reaching an agreement has been Hamas’s long standing demand for the full withdrawal of Israeli troops from all areas of Gaza, which Israel rejected without any doubts. When asked in Qatar about the terms of Israeli troop withdrawals within the ceasefire framework, and about a report in the U.S. publication Axios that quoted Netanyahu as saying he might have convinced Blinken that Israel should keep troops in the Philadelphi corridor, a strategic strip on the Gaza-Egypt border, Blinken responded. He stated that the United States does not support any long-term occupation of Gaza by Israel. He also clarified that the agreement is very clear on the schedule and locations of Israel Defense Forces (IDF) withdrawals from Gaza, and that Israel has agreed to those terms.

    Concerns about regional escalation have persisted since Hezbollah and Iran vowed retaliation after an attack last month, blamed on Israel, which resulted in the death of Hamas political leader Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran. However, the likelihood of widespread conflict now seems to be diminishing, as the countries that threatened war are now worried that it could further weaken them and lead to internal unrest and civil protests.

    Many believe that U.S. politics are influencing the ceasefire efforts both positively and negatively. There are conspiracy theories on X suggesting that Donald Trump might be delaying the truce with his friend Netanyahu to avoid benefiting Kamala Harris in the election, though no evidence has been reported. However, it is clear that there is now a push for a ceasefire from the U.S. government, as it could provide a significant boost to Democrats in the presidential election. Meanwhile, the situation in Gaza remains a severe humanitarian crisis. A ceasefire would be a notable humanitarian achievement for these politicians.

  • Why Doesn’t the Islamic World Have a Superpower to Challenge Israel?

    Why Doesn’t the Islamic World Have a Superpower to Challenge Israel?

    The conflict between Muslims and Jews has historical roots extending over centuries, primarily driven by religious differences rather than just territorial disputes. This is why the ongoing Israel-Hamas conflict attracts worldwide attention and involves Muslims and Jews globally. Social media is abuzz with propaganda from both sides. However, on the ground, Israel has a significant advantage as a sovereign state with advanced project management, while Hamas, which governs Gaza and initiated the fresh wave of conflict with terrorist attacks in Israel, finds itself on the defensive with only weakened support from Iran. The conflict appears to be heavily skewed in favor of one side, with the Hamas side suffering greatly.

    In terms of international politics, Israel receives support from superpowers like the United States, the United Kingdom, and France, while countries like Russia, China, and India maintain a more neutral stance. This support provides Israel with a substantial advantage. On the other hand, Hamas and Gaza mainly receive backing from Iran, whose capabilities are in question. This raises the question: why are there no superpowers in the Arab or Muslim world capable of challenging Israel?

    The answer lies in U.S. supremacy in a unipolar world. Although there is widespread anger and calls for solidarity with Hamas across the Islamic world, which stretches from Morocco to Indonesia, these are largely limited to public statements. This situation represents a clear victory for U.S. diplomacy, which has either aligned powerful countries with U.S. interests or severely weakened others. A powerful or superpower country typically has strong leadership, economic influence, political influence, strong international alliances, and a strong military, but few countries in the Islamic world possess all these features combined. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Turkey are considered powerful countries within the Islamic world today, but they are all aligned with the United States. Turkey is a NATO member with tight ties to the U.S., while Saudi Arabia and the UAE are highly reliant on business with the U.S., and their leadership maintains strong connections with U.S. diplomats. They also have military defense pacts with the U.S. Qatar, one of the wealthiest Islamic countries, also maintains a close relationship with the U.S. Despite their connections with Islamist leaders and organizations, and their roles in mediating with groups like Hamas and the Taliban.

    All the countries that previously challenged Israel are now weakened and humbled by U.S. strategies and diplomacy. Egypt, home to the largest army in the Middle East and the leader of last century’s Arab movements against Israel, along with Libya, Iraq, and Syria – countries that once challenged Israel—have lost the leadership capable of making such decisions. They are experiencing severe economic decline and face significant domestic challenges. Now, it seems that the Islamic Republic of Iran is currently the only major power from the Muslim world still challenging Israel. However, Iran has also been economically weakened by strong U.S. sanctions and faces serious domestic issues. Iran has been stunned and humbled by Israel through severe attacks. While Iran has vowed revenge, it has not taken any significant actions that are visibly effective. Nonetheless, Iran has not completely withdrawn from its ideological commitment to opposing Israel, unlike other states. Iran continues to fund organizations fighting against Israel, and Qatar is also reported to be providing support. Despite these efforts, no one is currently able to effectively challenge Israel, highlighting the weakness of the Islamic world outside of its elaborate organizations.

    As Israel is not ready for a truce, it seems likely that Gaza will be systematically annexed by Israel. This outcome appears inevitable. The stance of Islamic countries, which avoids a regional war, may bring peace, but it is clear that the position of Muslim governments does not reflect the sentiment of their populations. This could lead to a revival of terrorist organizations like ISIS in the Islamic world, which would bring more challenges in the region.

  • Can the U.S. Bring Indonesia onto Its Team?

    Can the U.S. Bring Indonesia onto Its Team?

    Indonesia, an archipelago state situated at the intersection of the Pacific and Indian Oceans, holds significant geopolitical importance. Although the United States is building a military bloc against China in the region, including major countries like Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, the Philippines, and Singapore, Indonesia does not appear interested in joining. Whichever side Indonesia decides to align with will gain a substantial strategic advantage, but Indonesia is advocating for non-alignment, as it did during the Cold War. But Many expect escalating tensions might force it to choose a side, especially given China’s proximity. In this situation, the United States certainly does not want Indonesia to align with China, but its relationship with Indonesia is not as strong as it is with Malaysia and Singapore. The United States has not put as much effort into engaging Indonesia as it has with Malaysia or Singapore. Given Indonesia’s strong demand for investment and its growing reluctance to accept additional Chinese funding, this could be an opportune moment for the United States to strengthen its relationship with Indonesia.

    Indonesia’s rapid population growth and significant infrastructure developments have heightened the country’s investment needs. Recently, President Joko Widodo began working from the presidential palace in Indonesia’s ambitious new administrative capital. This modern city, being developed amidst rainforests, is set to be one of the largest investment ventures in the nation’s history. Despite being a centerpiece of Widodo’s two terms, the project has encountered delays. Announced in 2019 with a $33 billion budget, it is currently behind schedule and facing investment challenges.

    The project has been marred by confusion, as expected investments have failed to materialize. Indonesian Maritime Affairs and Investment Coordinating Minister Luhut Panjaitan had estimated the total investment needed to be between $30 and $40 billion, which is a lot of money for Indonesia. In 2022, the Japanese SoftBank Group withdrew due to concerns about returns. But the President Jokowi has assured investors that the project will advance regardless of the outcome of the 2024 Indonesian presidential election, stressing that Nusantara represents a valuable investment opportunity. As of August 2023, the government had allocated only 20% of the needed funds, while investors were reluctant to cover the remaining amount due to political uncertainty and Indonesia’s track record of underinvestment in infrastructure. By November, Jokowi acknowledged that no foreign investors had yet committed funds to Nusantara.


    The lack of investors in the megaproject poses a significant challenge for Prabowo once he assumes the presidency. Having promised continuity as part of his campaign platform, Prabowo has pledged to continue Widodo’s landmark projects, including Nusantara. However, the relocation project has already placed considerable strain on the economy. The need for foreign investors is urgent, and there are three potential sources to consider. One option is investment from Gulf countries. Indonesia has strengthened its ties with Islamic nations, and countries like Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the UAE have previously made significant investments. However, as these nations are now focusing on policies to protect their own economies, the likelihood of substantial investment in Indonesia is low.

    Another option is the People’s Republic of China, a major trading partner for Indonesia. Despite the ongoing South China Sea disputes, China has made significant investments in Indonesian infrastructure, including the newly inaugurated bullet train. However, with China grappling with economic challenges and growing concerns about its influence, Indonesia has responded by imposing tariffs of up to 200 percent on various Chinese goods in 2024. Additionally, Indonesia is working to restrict Chinese investment in new nickel mining and processing projects, aligning with U.S. efforts to limit Beijing’s influence on the electric vehicle supply chain.

    This situation presents an opportunity for the United States. By increasing investments in Indonesia, similar to their approach in Malaysia, the U.S. could foster development and potentially integrate Indonesia into a regional bloc that includes Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and the Philippines. Such alignment could boost investments from these countries and relief from reliance on Chinese goods, promoting growth and stability in the region.

    There are still a lot of issues to resolve between Indonesia and the U.S. Public sentiment may be unfavorable due to the ongoing Gaza issue. it is certain that China will closely monitor the situation and attempt to align Indonesia with its interests, which could challenge  the U.S.. But now,  For Indonesia, cooperation with the U.S. seems to be a great option for advancing its infrastructure projects and boosting the economy.

  • The Importance of Blinken’s Visit to Singapore

    The Importance of Blinken’s Visit to Singapore

    U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken recently concluded his visit to Singapore, where he discussed enhancing security and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific region. This visit was part of his six-country tour of Asia from July 25 to August 3, which also includes Laos, the Philippines, Vietnam, Japan, and Mongolia. During his two-day stay in Singapore, Mr. Blinken met with Prime Minister and Finance Minister Lawrence Wong, Senior Minister Lee Hsien Loong, and Foreign Affairs Minister Dr. Vivian Balakrishnan. The discussions focused on strengthening collaboration in the business, scientific, and national security sectors. These meetings are considered pivotal to the U.S. mission of promoting a free, open, connected, prosperous, secure, and resilient Indo-Pacific region, while ensuring that ASEAN countries do not align with China against U.S. interests.

    Mr. Blinken’s visit to the region comes at a politically tumultuous time in the U.S., following President Joe Biden’s announcement of his withdrawal from the presidential race. With a new president to be elected this year, Mr. Blinken’s presence is crucial in showing that the shifting political landscape in the U.S. will not alter American foreign policy. During his visit to Singapore, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken met with Prime Minister Lawrence Wong at the Istana. After their meeting, Mr. Wong, who also serves as Finance Minister, highlighted on Facebook that the bilateral relationship is in excellent shape.

    During the visit, Mr. Blinken and Dr. Balakrishnan signed a civil nuclear cooperation agreement, known as a 123 Agreement. At the signing ceremony, Dr. Balakrishnan emphasized that the agreement will grant access to information and technological expertise, enabling Singapore to work more closely with U.S. civil nuclear experts. The agreement aims to enhance peaceful nuclear cooperation between the U.S. and Singapore, grounded in their mutual commitment to nuclear non-proliferation. The two countries plan to explore how advanced nuclear energy technologies, including small modular reactors, can contribute to climate goals. This agreement will enable Singapore to work more closely with U.S. institutions and civil nuclear entities in other countries. It will require review by the U.S. Congress before taking effect and will remain in force for 30 years once enacted.

    Singapore is expected to benefit from the U.S.’s generous approach, akin to the investments made in Malaysia. In his statement, Wong highlighted the extensive ties between the two nations, spanning areas from the economy to defense and security. For instance, the U.S. is Singapore’s largest investor, with nearly 6,000 U.S. firms operating there, creating numerous jobs for Singaporeans. Cooperation is being expanded into new areas, including critical emerging technologies like AI and civilian nuclear energy, to stay abreast of technological advancements and better assess future energy options for Singapore.

    The U.S. views Singapore as a crucial gateway to ASEAN and aims to reinforce its partnership. For Singapore, maintaining strong ties with the U.S. is vital for economic prosperity.  It appears that the U.S. is investing significantly to maintain its influence, and Singapore stands to benefit from this relationship.

  • US and Japan Are Getting Ready for China

    US and Japan Are Getting Ready for China

    The United States and its top ally in the Asia-Pacific, Japan, are preparing for a potential confrontation with China in the near future. As part of this effort, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken has been making frequent trips to Tokyo, where he holds essential meetings with his Japanese counterpart and signs important agreements, including plans to increase arms production to address China’s aggression.

    Most recently, Secretary Blinken and Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin met with their Japanese counterparts, Yoko Kamikawa and Minoru Kihara, in Tokyo at the US-Japan Security Consultative Committee, referred to as the “2+2” talks. They reaffirmed their alliance in the wake of President Joe Biden’s withdrawal from the November presidential race. Both US and Japanese defense leaders, along with senior diplomats, agreed to strengthen their military cooperation regardless of any administrative changes, acknowledging that China remains a significant threat to both nations.

    Japan, which dismantled its military after its defeat in World War II, is now rapidly remilitarizing with the support of the US in response to threats from China. They are increasing investments in the defense sector and strengthening military cooperation with regional allies. And the US and Japan are upgrading the command and control of US forces stationed in Japan and boosting American-licensed missile production. Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin noted that the command upgrade will be the most significant change to the US Forces Japan since its creation and one of the strongest improvements in the military ties with Japan in 70 years. These new operational capabilities and responsibilities will advance collective deterrence. Japan is home to more than 50,000 US troops, but the commander of the US Forces Japan (USFJ), based in Yokota in the western suburbs of Tokyo, currently has no direct command authority. Instead, directives are issued by the United States Indo-Pacific Command (INDOPACOM) in Hawaii.

    Diplomatic meetings among “Asian NATO” countries are increasing rapidly. With China making slow progress on its economic goals, there is growing concern that it might turn to its political interests. Japan, due to historical tensions and its geographical proximity, could become a primary target if China decides to act. So, Japan is taking swift measures to counter Chinese ambitions in the region. It is evident that the weakened Japan emboldens China both economically and politically. Therefore, the United States is actively encouraging Japan to adopt a more assertive stance and is prepared to offer full support. Given the strong alliance between China, North Korea, and Russia, the United States recognizes that this coalition cannot be managed alone and views Japan as its most reliable partner in the region.

    Escalating regional tensions into full-blown war would be disastrous for everyone involved. While conflict is always costly, creating fear in an opponent can be an effective strategy. Political analysts suggest that the US and Japan are working together with this strategy to counter China’s ambitions. Sometimes, showcasing military strength can be more effective in maintaining peace than negotiations alone.  Following the recent 2+2 talks with Japan, the US announced its commitment to “Extended Deterrence”, including nuclear weapons, in response to nuclear threats from Russia and China. This marks a significant shift from Japan’s previous reluctance to openly address this sensitive issue, given its history as the only country to have endured atomic attacks.